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AN ESSAY 



ON 



SLAVERY AND ABOLITIONISM, 



WITH REFERENCE TO THE 



DUTY OF AMERICAN FEMALES. 



BY CATHARINE E. BEECHER. 



Second Edition. 




33j)tlatrclj)])fa: 

HENRY PERKINS, 134 CHESTNUT STREET. 
PERKINS & MARVIN, BOSTON. 

1837. 









Entered according to the Act of Congress, in the year 1837, by 
Henry Perkins, in the Clerk's Office of the District Court of the 
Eastern District of Pennsylrania. 



I. ASHMEAD AND CO. PRINTERS. 



PREFACE. 

The following are the circumstances which 
occasioned the succeeding pages. A gentle- 
man and a friend, requested the writer to 
assign reasons why he should not join the 
Abolition Society. While preparing a reply 
to this request, Miss Grimke's Address was 
presented, and the information communi- 
cated, of her intention to visit the North, for 
the purpose of using her influence among 
northern ladies to induce them to unite with 
Abolition Societies. The writer then began 
a private letter to Miss Grimke as a personal 
friend. But by the wishes and advice of 
others, these two efforts were finally com- 
bined in the following Essay, to be presented 
to the public. 



The honoured and beloved name which 
that lady bears, so associated as it is at the 
South, North, and West, with all that is ele- 
gant in a scholar, refined in a gentleman, 
and elevated in a Christian, — the respectable 
sect with which she is connected, — the in- 
teresting effusions of her pen, — and her own 
intellectual and moral worth, must secure 
respect for her opinions and much personal 
influence. This seems to be a sufficient 
apology for presenting to the public some 
considerations in connexion with her name ; 
considerations which may exhibit in another 
aspect the cause she advocates, and which it 
may be appropriate to regard. As such, 
they are respectfully commended to the pub- 
lic, and especially to that portion of it for 
which they are particularly designed. 



ESSAY 



ON 



SLAVERY AND ABOLITIONISM. 



Addressed to Miss A. D. Grimke. 



My dear Friend, 

Your public address to Christian females 
at the South has reached me, and I have 
been urged to aid in circulating it at the 
North. I have also been informed, that you 
contemplate a tour, during the ensuing year, 
for the purpose of exerting your influence to 
form Abolition Societies among ladies of the 
non-slave-holding States. 

Our acquaintance and friendship give me 
a claim to your private ear; but there are 
reasons why it seems more desirable to ad- 
dress you, who now stand before the public 

a 2 



as an advocate of Abolition measure?, in a 
more public manner. 

The object I have in view, is to present 
some reasons why it seems unwise and inex- 
pedient for ladies of the non-slave-holding 
States to unite themselves in Abolition Socie- 
ties; and thus, at the same time, to exhibit 
the inexpediency of the course you propose 
to adopt. 

I would first remark, that your public ad- 
dress leads me to infer, that you are not suf- 
ficiently informed in regard to the feelings 
and opinions of Christian females at the 
North. Your remarks seem to assume, that 
the principles held by Abolitionists on the 
subject of slavery, are peculiar to them, and 
are not generally adopted by those at the 
North who oppose their measures. In this 
you are not correctly informed. In the sense 
in which Abolitionists explain the terms they 
employ, there is little, if any, difference be- 
tween them and most northern persons. 
Especially is this true of northern persons of 
religious principles. I know not where to 
look for northern Christians, who would deny 



that every slave-holder is bound to treat his 
slaves exactly as he would claim that his own 
children ought to be treated in similar circum- 
stances ; that the holding of our fellow men 
as property, or the withholding any of the 
rights of freedom, for mere purposes of gain, 
is a sin, and ought to be immediately aban- 
doned ; and that where the laws are such, 
that a slave-holder cannot legally emancipate 
his slaves, without throwing them into worse 
bondage, he is bound to use all his influence 
to alter those laws, and, in the meantime, to 
treat his slaves, as nearly as he can, as if 
they were free. 

I do not suppose there is one person in a 
thousand, at the North, who would dissent 
from these principles. They would only dif- 
fer in the use of terms, and call this the doc- 
trine of gradual emancipation, while Aboli- 
tionists would call it the doctrine of immediate 
emancipation. 

As this is the state of public opinion at the 
North, there is no necessity for using any 
influence with northern ladies, in order that 
they may adopt your principles on the sub- 



jcct of slavery; for they hold them in com- 
mon with yourself, and it would seem unwise, 
and might prove irritating, to approach them 
as if they held opposite sentiments. 

In regard to the duty of making efforts to 
bring the people of the Southern States to 
adopt these principles, and act on them, it is 
entirely another matter. On this point you 
would find a large majority opposed to your 
views. Most persons in the non-slave-hold- 
ing States have considered the matter of 
Southern slavery, as one in which they were 
no more called to interfere, than in the aboli- 
tion of the press-gang system in England, or 
the tythe system of Ireland. Public opinion 
may have been wrong on this point, and yet 
have been right on all those great principles 
of rectitude and justice relating to slavery, 
which Abolitionists claim as their distinctive 
peculiarities. 

The distinctive peculiarity of the Abolition 
Society is this: it is a voluntary association 
in one section of the country, designed to 
awaken public sentiment against a moral evil 
existing in another section of the country, 



9 



and the principal point of effort seems to be, 
to enlarge the numbers of this association as 
a means of influencing public sentiment. 
The principal object of your proposed tour, 
I suppose, is to present facts, arguments, and 
persuasions to influence northern ladies to 
enrol themselves as members of this associa- 
tion. 

I will therefore proceed to present some of 
the reasons which may be brought against 
such a measure as the one you would urge. 

In the first place, the main principle of ac- 
tion in that society rests wholly on a false 
deduction from past experience. Experience 
has shown, that when certain moral evils 
exist in a community, efforts to awaken pub- 
lic sentiment against such practices, and 
combinations for the exercise of personal in- 
fluence and example, have in various cases 
tended to rectify these evils. Thus in respect 
to intemperance ;— the collecting of facts, the 
labours of public lecturers and the distribution 
of publications, have had much effect in 
diminishing the evil. So in reference to the 
slave-trade and slavery in England. The 



10 

English nation possessed the power of regu- 
lating their own trade, and of giving liberty 
to every slave in their dominions; and yet 
they were entirely unmindful of their duty 
on this subject. Clarkson, Wilberforce, and 
their coadjutors, commenced a system of 
operations to arouse and influence public 
sentiment, and they succeeded in securing 
the suppression of the slave trade, and the 
gradual abolition of slavery in the English 
colonies. In botli these cases, the effort was 
to enlighten and direct public sentiment in a 
community, of which the actors were a por- 
tion, in order to lead them to rectify an evil 
existing among themselves, which was en- 
tirely under their control. 

From the success of such efforts, the Abo- 
litionists of this country have drawn in- 
ferences, which appear to be not only illogi- 
cal, but false. Because individuals in their 
own community have aroused their fellow 
citizens to correct their own evils, therefore 
they infer that attempts to convince their 
fellow-citizens of the faults of another com- 
munity will lead that community to forsake 



11 

their evil practices. An example will more 
clearly illustrate the case. Suppose two rival 
cities, which have always been in competi- 
tion, and always jealous of each other's re- 
putation and prosperity. Certain individuals 
in one of these cities become convinced, that 
the sin of intemperance is destroying their 
prosperity and domestic happiness. They 
proceed to collect facts, they arrange statis- 
tics, they call public meetings, they form 
voluntary associations, they use arguments, 
entreaties and personal example, and by 
these means they arrest the evil. 

Suppose another set of men, in this same 
community, become convinced that certain 
practices in trade and business in the rival 
city, are dishonest, and have an oppressive 
bearing on certain classes in that city, and 
are injurious to the interests of general com- 
merce. Suppose also, that these are prac- 
tices, which, by those who allow them, are 
considered as honourable and right. Those 
who are convinced of their immorality, wish 
to alter the opinions and the practices of the 
citizens of their rival city, and to do this, 



12 

they commence the collection of facts, that 
exhibit the tendencies of these practices and 
the evils they have engendered. But instead 
of going among the community in which the 
evils exist, and endeavouring to convince and 
persuade them, they proceed to form volun- 
tary associations among their neighbours at 
home, and spend their time, money and ef- 
forts to convince their fellow citizens that the 
inhabitants of their rival city are guilty of a 
great sin. They also publish papers and 
tracts and send out agents, not to the guilty 
city, but to all the neighbouring towns and 
villages, to convince them of the sins of the 
city in their vicinity. And they claim that 
they shall succeed in making that city break 
off its sins, by these measures, because other 
men succeeded in banishing intemperance by 
labouring among their own friends and fel- 
low citizens. Is not this example exactly 
parallel with the exertions of the Abolition- 
ists ? Are not the northern and southern sec- 
tions of our country distinct communities, 
with different feelings and interests? Are 
they not rival, and jealous in feeling 1 Have 
the northern States the power to rectify evils 



13 

at the South, as they have to remove their 
own moral deformities; or have they any 
such power over the southern States as the 
British people had over their own trade 
and their dependent colonies in the West In- 
dies 1 Have not Abolitionists been sending 
out papers, tracts, and agents to convince 
the people of the North of the sins of the 
South ? Have they not refrained from going 
to the South with their facts, arguments, and 
appeals, because they feared personal evils 
to themselves? And do not Abolitionists 
found their hopes of success in their project, 
on the success which crowned the efforts of 
British philanthropists in the case of slavery, 
and on the success that has attended efforts to 
banish intemperance? And do not these two 
cases differ entirely from the Abolition move- 
ment in this main point, that one is an effort 
to convince men of their oxen sins, and the 
other is an effort to convince men of the sins 
of other persons ? 

The second reason I would urge against 
joining the Abolition Society is, that its cha- 
racter and measures are not either peaceful 



11 

or Christian in tendency, but they rather are 
those which tend to generate party spirit, 
denunciation, recrimination, and angry pas- 
sions. 

But before bringing evidence to sustain 
this position, I wish to make a distinction 
between the men who constitute an associa- 
tion, and the measures which arc advocated 
and adopted. 

I believe, that as a body, Abolitionists ore 
men of pure morals, of great honesty of pur- 
pose, of real benevolence and piety, and of 
great activity in efforts to promote what they 
consider the best interests of their fellow 
men. I believe, that, in making efforts to 
abolish slavery, they have taken measures, 
which they supposed were best calculated to 
bring this evil to an end, with the greatest 
speed, and with the least danger and suffer- 
ing to the South. I do not believe they ever 
designed to promote disunion, or insurrec- 
tion, or to stir up strife, or that they suppose 
that their measures can be justly character- 
ized by the peculiarities I have specified. I 
believe they have been urged forward by a 



15 

strong feeling of patriotism, as well as of re- 
ligious duty, and that they have made great 
sacrifices of feeling, character, time, and 
money to promote what they believed to be 
the cause of humanity and the service of 
God. I regard individuals among them, as 
having taken a bold and courageous stand, 
in maintaining the liberty of free discussion, 
the liberty of speech and of the press ; though 
this however is somewhat abated by the 
needless provocations by which they caused 
those difficulties and hazards they so cou- 
rageously sustained. In speaking thus of 
Abolitionists as a body, it is not assumed that 
there are not bad men found in this party as 
well as in every other ; nor that among those 
who are good men, there are not those who 
may have allowed party spirit to take the 
place of Christian principle; men who have 
exhibited a mournful destitution of Christian 
charity ; who have indulged in an overbear- 
ing, denouncing, and self-willed pertinacity 
as to measures. Yet with these reservations, 
I believe that the above is no more than a 
fair and just exhibition of that class of men 



16 

who are embraced in the party of Abolitien- 
ists. And all this can be admitted, and yet 
the objection I am to urge against joining 
their ranks may stand in its full force. 

To make the position clearer, an illustra- 
tion may be allowed. Suppose a body of 
good men become convinced that the in- 
spired direction, " them that sin, rebuke be- 
fore all, that others may fear," imposes upon 
them the duty of openly rebuking every body 
whom they discover in the practice of any 
sin. Suppose these men are daily in the 
habit of going into the streets, and calling all 
by-standers around them, pointing out cer- 
tain men, some as liars, some as dishonest, 
some as licentious, and then bringing proofs 
of their guilt and rebuking them before all ; at 
the same time exhorting all around to point 
at them the finger of scorn. 

They persevere in this course till the whole 
community is thrown into an uproar; and 
assaults, and even bloodshed ensue. They 
then call on all good citizens to protect their 
persons from abuse, and to maintain the 
liberty of speech and of free opinion. 



17 



Now the men may be as pure in morals, 
as conscientious and upright in intention, as 
any Abolitionist, and yet every one would 
say, that their measures were unwise and 
unchristian. 

In like manner, although Abolitionists may 
be lauded for many virtues, still much evi- 
dence can be presented, that the character 
and measures of the Abolition Society are 
not either peaceful or christian in tendency, 
but that they are in their nature calculated 
to generate party spirit, denunciation, re- 
crimination, and angry passions. 

The first thing I would present to establish 
this, is the character of the leaders of this 
association. Every combined effort is ne- 
cessarily directed by leaders ; and the spirit 
of the leaders will inevitably be communi- 
cated to their coadjutors, and appear in the 
measures of the whole body. 

In attempting to characterize these leaders, 
I would first present another leader of a simi- 
lar enterprise, the beloved and venerated 
Wilberforce. It is thus that his prominent 
traits are delineated by an intimate friend. 

r 2 



18 



"His extreme benevolence contributed 
largely to his success. I have heard him 
say, that it was one of his constant rides, 
and on the question of slavery especially, 
never to provoke an adversary — to allow 
him credit fully for sincerity and purity of 
motive — to abstain from all irritating expres- 
sions—to avoid even such political attacks 
as would indispose his opponents for his 
great cause. In fact, the benignity, the gen- 
tleness, the kind-heartedness of the man, dis- 
armed the bitterest foes. Not only on this 
question did he restrain himself, but general- 
ly. Once he had been called during a whole 
debate 'the religious member,' in a kind of 
scorn. He remarked afterwards, that he was 
much inclined to have retorted, by calling 
his opponent the irreligious member, but that 
he refrained, as it would have been a return- 
ing of evil for evil. Next to his general con- 
sistency, and love of the Scriptures, the 
humility of his character always appeared 
remarkable. The modest, shrinking, simple 
Christian statesman and friend always ap- 
peared in him. And the nearer you ap- 



19 

proached him, the more his habit of mind 
obviously appeared to be modest and lowly. 
His charity in judging of others, is a farther 
trait of his Christian charaeter. Of his bene- 
volence I need not speak, but his kind con- 
struction of doubtful actions, his charitable 
language toward those with whom he most 
widely differed, his thorough forgetfulness of 
little affronts, were fruits of that general 
benevolence which continually appeared." 

This was the leader, both in and out of 
Parliament, of that body of men who com- 
bined to bring to an end slavery and the 
slave trade, in the dominions of Great Bri- 
tain. With him, as principal leaders, were 
associated Clarkson, Sharpe, Macauley, and 
others of a similar spirit. These men w r ere 
all of them characterized by that mild, bene- 
volent, peaceful, gentlemanly and forbearing 
spirit, which has been described as so con- 
spicuous in Wilberforce. And when their 
measures are examined, it will be found that 
they were eminently mild, peaceful, and for- 
bearing. Though no effort that is to encoun- 
ter the selfish interests of men, can escape 



20 

without odium and opposition, from those 
who are thwarted, and from all whom they 
can influence, these men carefully took those 
measures that were calculated to bring about 
their end with the least opposition and evil 
possible. They avoided prejudices, strove 
to conciliate opposers, shunned every thing 
that would inve needless offence and exas- 
peration, began slowly and cautiously, with 
points which could be the most easily car- 
ried, and advanced toward others only as 
public sentiment became more and more 
enlightened. They did not beard the lion in 
full face, by coming out as the first thing with 
the maxim, that all slavery ought and must 
be abandoned immediately. They began 
w T ith " inquiries as to the impolicy of the slave 
trade" and it was years before they came to 
the point of the abolition of slavery. And 
they carried their measures through, without 
producing warring parties among good men, 
w r ho held common principles with themselves. 
As a general fact, the pious men of Great 
Britain acted harmoniously in this great 
effort. 



21 

Let us now look at the leaders of the Abo- 
lition movement in America. The man who 
first took the lead was William L. Garri- 
son, who, though he professes a belief in 
the Christian religion, is an avowed opponent 
of most of its institutions. The character 
and spirit of this man have for years been 
exhibited in " the Liberator," of which he is 
the editor. That there is to be found in that 
paper, or in any thing else, any evidence of 
his possessing the peculiar traits of Wilber- 
force, not even his warmest admirers will 
maintain. How many of the opposite traits 
can be found, those can best judge who have 
read his paper. Gradually others joined 
themselves in the effort commenced by Gar- 
rison ; but for a long time they consisted 
chiefly of men who would fall into one of 
these three classes; either good men who 
were so excited by a knowledge of the enor- 
mous evils of slavery, that any tiling was 
considered better than entire inactivity, or 
else men accustomed to a contracted field of 
observation, and more qualified to judge of 
immediate results than of general tendencies, 



22 

or else men of ardent and impulsive tem- 
perament, whose feelings are likely to take 
the lead, rather than their judgment. 

There are no men who act more efficiently 
as the leaders of an enterprise than the edi- 
tors of the periodicals that advocate and de- 
fend it. The editors of the Emancipator, the 
Friend of Man, the New York Evangelist, 
and the other abolition periodicals, may 
therefore be considered as among the chief 
leaders of the enterprise, and their papers 
are the mirror from which their spirit and 
character are reflected. 

I wish the friends of these editors would 
cull from their papers all the indications they 
can find of the peculiarities that distinguished 
Wilberforce and his associates ; all the evi- 
dence of " a modest and lowly spirit," — all 
the exhibitions of " charity in judging of the 
motives of those who oppose their measures," 
— all the " indications of benignity, gentle- 
ness, and kind-heartedness," — all the " kind 
constructions of doubtful actions," — all the 
" charitable language used toward those 
who differ in opinion or measures," — all the 



23 

" thorough forgetfulness of little affronts," — 
all the cases where " opponents are allowed 
full credit for purity and sincerity of motive," 
— all cases where they have been careful 
" never to provoke an adversary," — all cases 
where they have " refrained from all irritat- 
ing expressions," — all cases where they have 
avoided every thing that would " indispose 
their opponents for their great cause," and 
then compare the result with what may be 
found of an opposite character, and I think it 
would not be unsafe to infer that an associa- 
tion whose measures, on an exciting subject, 
were guided by such men, would be more 
likely to be aggressive than peaceful. The 
position I would establish will appear more 
clearly, by examining in detail some of the 
prominent measures which have been adopt- 
ed by this association. 

One of the first measures of Abolitionists 
was an attack on a benevolent society, origi- 
nated and sustained by some of the most pious 
and devoted men of the age. It was imagined 
by Abolitionists, that the influence and mea- 
sures of the Colonization Society tended to 



24 



retard the abolition of slavery, and to perpe- 
tuate injurious prejudices against the coloured 
race. The peaceful and christian method of 
meeting this dilliculty would have been, to 
collect all the evidence of this supposed hurt- 
ful tendency, and privately, and in a respect- 
ful and conciliating way, to have presented it 
to the attention of the wise and benevolent 
men, who were most interested in sustaining 
this institution. If this measure did not avail 
to convince them, then it would have been 
safe and justifiable to present to the public a 
temperate statement of facts, and of the de- 
ductions based on them, drawn up in a re- 
spectful and candid manner, with every cha- 
ritable allowance which truth could warrant. 
But such was not the course adopted. When 
the attempt was first made to turn public opi- 
nion against the Colonization Society, I met 
one of the most influential supporters of that 
institution, just after he had had an interview 
with a leading Abolitionist. This gentleman 
was most remarkable for his urbanity, meek- 
ness, and benevolence ; and his remark to me 
in reference to this interview, shows what was 



25 

its nature. " I love truth and sound argument," 
said he, " but when a man comes at me with a 
sledge-hammer, I cannot help dodging." This 
is a specimen of their private manner of deal- 
ing. In public, the enterprise was attacked as 
a plan for promoting the selfish interests and 
prejudices of the whites, at the expense of the 
coloured population; and in many cases, it 
was assumed that the conductors of this asso- 
ciation were aware of this, and accessory to 
it. And the style in which the thing was 
done was at once offensive, inflammatory, and 
exasperating. Denunciation, sneers, and pub- 
lic rebuke, were bestowed indiscriminately 
upon the conductors of the enterprise, and of 
course they fell upon many sincere, upright, 
and conscientious men, whose feelings were 
harrowed by a sense of the injustice, the in- 
decorum, and the unchristian treatment, they 
received. And when a temporary impression 
was made on the public mind, and its oppo- 
nents supposed they had succeeded in crush- 
ing this society, the most public and triumph- 
ant exultation was not repressed. Compare 
this method of carrying a point, with that 

c 



26 

adopted by Wilberforce and his compeers, 
and I think you will allow that there was a 
way that was peaceful and christian, and 
that this was not the way which was chosen. 

The next measure of Abolitionism was an 
attempt to remove the prejudices of the whites 
against the blacks, on account of natural pe- 
culiarities. Now, prejudice is an unreasona- 
ble and groundless dislike of persons or things. 
Of course, as it is unreasonable, it is the most 
difficult of all things to conquer, and the worst 
and most irritating method that could be at- 
tempted would be, to attack a man as guilty 
of sin, as unreasonable, as ungenerous, or as 
proud, for allowing a certain prejudice. 

This is the sure way to produce anger, self- 
justification, and an increase of the strength 
of prejudice, against that which has caused 
him this rebuke and irritation. 

The best way to make a person like a thing 
w r hich is disagreeable, is to try in some way 
to make it agreeable; and if a certain class 
of persons is the subject of unreasonable pre- 
judice, the peaceful and christian way of re- 
moving it would be to endeavour to render 



27 

the unfortunate persons who compose this 
class, so useful, so humble and unassuming, 
so kind in their feelings, and so full of love 
and good works, that prejudice would be sup- 
planted by complacency in their goodness, 
and pity and sympathy for their disabilities. 
If the friends of the blacks had quietly set 
themselves to work to increase their intelli- 
gence, their usefulness, their respectability, 
their meekness, gentleness, and benevolence, 
and then had appealed to the pity, generosity, 
and christian feelings of their fellow citizens, 
a verv different result would have appeared. 
Instead of this, reproaches, rebukes, and 
sneers, were employed to convince the whites 
that their prejudices were sinful, and without 
any just eause. They were accused of pride, 
of selfish indifference, of unchristian neglect. 
This tended to irritate the whites, and to in- 
crease their prejudice against the blacks, who 
thus were made the causes of rebuke and 
exasperation. Then, on the other hand, the 
blacks extensively received the Liberator, 
and learned to imbibe the spirit of its con- 
ductor. 



28 

They were taught to feel that they were 
injured and abused, the objects of a guilty and 
unreasonable prejudice — that they occupied 
a lower place in society than was right — 
that they ought to be treated as if they 
were whites; and in repeated instances, at- 
tempts were made by their friends to mingle 
them with whites, so as to break down the 
existing distinctions of society. Now, the 
question is not, whether these things, that 
were urged by Abolitionists, were true. The 
thing maintained is, that the method taken by 
them to remove this prejudice was neither 
peaceful nor christian in its tendency, but, on 
the contrary, was calculated to increase the 
evil, and to generate anger, pride, and recri- 
mination, on one side, and envy, discontent, 
and revengeful feelings, on the other. 

These are some of the general measures 
which have been exhibited in the Abolition 
movement. The same peculiarities maybe as 
distinctly seen in specific cases, where the 
peaceful and quiet way of accomplishing the 
good was neglected, and the one most calcu- 
lated to excite wrath and strife was chosen. 



29 

Take, for example, the effort to establish a 
college for coloured persons. The quiet, 
peaceful, and christian way of doing such a 
thing, would have been, for those who were 
interested in the plan, to furnish the money 
necessary, and then to have selected a retired 
place, where there would be the least preju- 
dice and opposition to be met, and there, in an 
unostentatious way, commenced the educa- 
tion of the youth to be thus sustained. In- 
stead of this, at a time when the public mind 
was excited on the subject, it was noised 
abroad that a college for blacks was to be 
founded. Then a city was selected for its 
location, where was another college, so large 
as to demand constant effort and vigilance to 
preserve quiet subordination ; where contests 
with " sailors and town boys" were barely 
kept at bay; a college embracing a large 
proportion of southern students, who were 
highly excited on the subject of slavery and 
emancipation; a college where half the shoe- 
blacks and waiters were coloured men. Be- 
side the very walls of this college, it was pro- 
posed to found a college for coloured young 

c2 



30 

men. Could it be otherwise than that oppo- 
sition, and that for the best of reasons, would 
arise against such an attempt, both from the 
faculty of the college and the citizens of the 
place I Could it be reasonably expected that 
they would not oppose a measure so calcu- 
lated to increase their own difficulties and 
liabilities, and at the same time so certain to 
place the proposed institution in the most un- 
favourable of all circumstances? But when 
the measure was opposed, instead of yielding 
meekly and peaceably to such reasonable ob- 
jections, and soothing the feelings and appre- 
hensions that had been excited, by putting the 
best construction on the matter, and seeking 
another place, it was claimed as an evidence 
of opposition to the interests of the blacks, 
and as a mark of the force of sinful prejudice. 
The worst, rather than the best, motives were 
ascribed to some of the most respectable, and 
venerated, and pious men, who opposed the 
measure ; and a great deal was said and done 
that was calculated to throw the community 
into an angry ferment. 

Take another example. If a prudent and 



31 

benevolent female had selected almost any 
village in New England, and commenced a 
school for coloured females, in a quiet, appro- 
priate, and unostentatious way? the world 
would never have heard of the case, except 
to applaud her benevolence, and the kindness 
of the villagers, who aided her in the effort. 
But instead of this, there appeared public ad- 
vertisements, (which I saw at the time,) stat- 
ing that a seminary for the education of 
young ladies of colour was to be opened in 
Canterbury, in the state of Connecticut, where 
would be taught music on the piano forte, 
drawing, &c, together with a course of Eng- 
lish education. Now, there are not a dozen 
coloured families in New England, in such 
pecuniary circumstances, that if they were 
whites it would not be thought ridiculous to 
attempt to give their daughters such a course 
of education, and Canterbury was a place 
where but few of the wealthiest families ever 
thought of furnishing such accomplishments 
for their own children. Several other particu- 
lars might be added that were exceedingly 
irritating, but this may serve as a specimen of 



32 

the method in which the whole affair was 
conducted. It was an entire disregard of the 
prejudices and the proprieties of society, and 
calculated to stimulate pride, anger, ill-will, 
contention, and all the bitter feelings that 
spring from such collisions. Then, instead 
of adopting measures to soothe and conciliate, 
rebukes, sneers and denunciations, were em- 
ploycd,and Canterbury and Connecticut were 
held up to public scorn and rebuke for doing 
what most other communities would proba- 
bly have done, if similarly tempted and pro- 
voked. 

Take another case. It was deemed expe- 
dient by Abolitionists to establish an Abolition 
paper, first in Kentucky, a slave State. It 
was driven from that State, either by violence 
or by threats. It retreated to Ohio, one of 
the free States. In selecting a place for its 
location, it might have been established in a 
small place, where the people w T ere of similar 
views, or were not exposed to dangerous po- 
pular excitements. But Cincinnati was se- 
lected; and when the most intelligent, the 
most reasonable, and the most patriotic of 



33 

the citizens remonstrated, — when they repre- 
sented that there were peculiar and unusual 
liabilities to popular excitement on this sub- 
ject, — that the organization and power of the 
police made it extremely dangerous to excite 
a mob, and almost impossible to control it, — 
that all the good aimed at could be accom- 
plished by locating the press in another place, 
where there were not such dangerous liabi- 
lities, — when they kindly and respectfully 
urged these considerations, they were disre- 
garded. I myself was present when a sincere 
friend urged upon the one who controlled that 
paper, the obligations of good men, not merely 
to avoid breaking w r holesome laws them- 
selves, but the duty of regarding the liabilities 
of others to temptation ; and that where Chris- 
tians could foresee that by placing certain 
temptations in the way of their fellow-men, 
all the probabilities were, that they would 
yield, and yet persisted in doing it, the tempt- 
ers became partakers in the guilt of those who 
yielded to the temptation. But these remon- 
strances were ineffectual. The paper must 
not only be printed and circulated, but it must 



34 

be stationed where were the greatest proba- 
bilities that measures of illegal violence would 
ensue. And when the evil was perpetrated, 
and a mob destroyed the press, then those 
who had urged on these measures of tempta- 
tion, turned upon those who had advised and 
remonstrated, as the guilty authors of the 
violence, because, in a season of excitement, 
the measures adopted to restrain and control 
the mob, were not such as were deemed suit- 
able and right. 

Now, in all the above cases, I would by no 
means justify the wrong or the injudicious 
measures that may have been pursued, un- 
der this course of provocation. The great- 
ness of temptation does by no means release 
men from obligation; but Christians are 
bound to remember that it is a certain 
consequence of throwing men into strong 
excitement, that they will act unwisely and 
wrong, and that the tempter as well as the 
tempted are held responsible, both by God 
and man. In all these cases, it cannot but 
appear that the good aimed at might have 
been accomplished in a quiet, peaceable, and 



35 

christian way, and that this was not the way 
which was chosen. 

The whole system of Abolition measures 
seems to leave entirely out of view, the obli- 
gation of Christians to save their fellow men 
from all needless temptations. If the thing to 
be done is only lawful and right, it does not 
appear to have been a matter of effort to do 
it in such a way as would not provoke and 
irritate; but often, if the chief aim had been 
to do the good in the most injurious and of- 
fensive way, no more certain and appropriate 
methods could have been devised. 

So much has this been the character of 
Abolition movements, that many have sup- 
posed it to be a deliberate and systematized 
plan of the leaders to do nothing but what was 
strictly a right guaranteed by law, and yet, 
in such a manner, as to provoke men to anger, 
so that unjust and illegal acts might ensue, 
knowing, that as a consequence, the opposers 
of Abolition would be thrown into the wrong, 
and sympathy be aroused for Abolitionists as 
injured and persecuted men. It is a fact, 
that Abolitionists have taken the course most 



30 

calculated to awaken illegal acts of violence, 
and that when they have ensued, they have 
seemed to rejoice in them, as calculated to ad- 
vance and strengthen their cause. The vio- 
lence of mobs, the denunciations and unrea- 
sonable requirements of the South, the denial 
of the right of petition, the restrictions attempt- 
ed to be laid upon freedom of speech, and free- 
dom of the press, are generally spoken of with 
exultation by Abolitionists, as what are among 
the chief means of promoting their cause. It 
is not so much by exciting feelings of pity and 
humanity, and Christian love, towards the op- 
pressed, as it is by awakening indignation at 
the treatment of Abolitionists themselves, that 
their cause has prospered. How many men 
have declared or implied, that in joining the 
ranks of Abolition, they were influenced, not 
by their arguments, or by the wisdom of their 
course, but because the violence of opposers 
had identified that cause with the question of 
freedom of speech, freedom of the press, and 
civil liberty. 

But when I say that many have supposed 
that it was the deliberate intention of the Abo- 



37 

litionists to foment illegal acts and violence, 
I would by no means justify a supposition, 
which is contrary to the dictates of justice and 
charity. The leaders of the Abolition Society 
disclaim all such wishes or intentions; they 
only act apparently on the assumption that 
they are exercising just rights, which they are 
not bound to give up, because other men will 
act unreasonably and wickedly. 

Another measure of Abolitionists, calculat- 
ed to awaken evil feelings, has been the treat- 
ment of those who objected to their proceed- 



ings. 



A large majority of the philanthropic and 
pious, who hold common views with the Abo- 
litionists, as to the sin and evils of slavery, 
and the duty of using all appropriate means 
to bring it to an end, have opposed their mea- 
sures, because they have believed them not 
calculated to promote, but rather to retard 
the end proposed to be accomplished by them. 
The peaceful and Christian method of en- 
countering such opposition, would have been 
to allow the opponents full credit for purity 
and integrity of motive, to have avoided all 



i) 



38 

harsh and censorious language, and to have 
employed facts, arguments and persuasions, 
in a kind and respectful way with the hope 
of modifying their views and allaying their 
fears. Instead of this, the wise and good who 
opposed A b< >lition measures, have been treated 
as though they were the friends and defend- 
ers of slavery, or as those who, from a guilty, 
timid, time-serving policy, refused to take the 
course which duty demanded. They have 
been addressed either as if it were necessary 
to convince them that slavery is wrong and 
ought to be abandoned, or else, as if they 
needed to be exhorted to give up their timi- 
dity and selfish interest, and to perform a 
manifest duty, which they were knowingly 
neglecting. 

Now there is nothing more irritating, when 
a man is conscientious and acting according 
to his own views of right, than to be dealt 
with in this manner. The more men are 
treated as if they were honest and sincere — 
the more they are treated with respect, fair- 
ness, and benevolence, the more likely they 
are to be moved by evidence and arguments. 



39 

On the contrary, harshness, uncharitableness, 
and rebuke, for opinions and conduct that are 
in agreement with a man's own views of duty 
and rectitude, tend to awaken evil feelings, 
and indispose the mind properly to regard 
evidence. Abolitionists have not only taken 
this course, but in many cases, have seemed to 
act on the principle, that the abolition of 
Slavery, in the particular mode in w 7 hich they 
were aiming to accomplish it, was of such 
paramount importance, that every thing must 
be overthrown that stood in the way. 

No matter what respect a man had gained 
for talents, virtue, and piety, if he stood in the 
way of Abolitionism, he must be attacked as 
to character and motives. No matter how 
important an institution might be, if its in- 
fluence was against the measures of Abolition- 
ism, it must be attacked openly, or sapped 
privately, till its influence was destroyed. By 
such measures, the most direct means have 
been taken to awaken anger at injury, and re- 
sentment at injustice, and to provoke retalia- 
tion on those who inflict the wrong. All the 
partialities of personal friendship; all the feel- 



40 

ings of respect accorded to good and useful 
men; all the interests that cluster around pub- 
lic institutions, entrenched in the hearts of 
the multitude- who sustain them, were out- 
raged by such a course. 

Another measure of Abolitionists, which 
has greatly tended to promote wrath and 
strife, is their indiscreet and incorrect use of 
terms. 

To make this apparent, it must be premised, 
that words have no inherent meaning, but 
always signify that which they are common- 
ly understood to mean. The question never 
should be asked, what ought a word to mean? 
but simply, what is the meaning generally 
attached to this word by those who use it? 
Vocabularies and standard writers are the 
proper umpires to decide this question. Now 
if men take words and give them a new and 
peculiar use, and are consequently misunder- 
stood, they are guilty of a species of decep- 
tion, and are accountable for all the evils that 

may ensue as a consequence. 

For example; if physicians should come out 
and declare, that it was their opinion that they 



41 

ought to poison all their patients, and they had 
determined to do it, and then all the community 
should be thrown into terror and excitement, 
it would be no justification for them to say, 
that all they intended by that language was, 
that they should administer as medicines, arti- 
cles which are usually called poisons. 

Now Abolitionists are before the commu- 
nity, and declare that all slavery is sin, which 
ought to be immediately forsaken; and that it 
is their object and intention to promote the 
immediate emancipation of all the slaves in 
this nation. 

Now what is it that makes a man cease 
to be a slave and become free? It is not kind 
treatment from a master; it is not paying 
wages to the slave ; it is not the intention to 
bestow freedom at a future time; it is not treat- 
ing a slave as if he were free; it is not feeling 
toward a slave as if he were free. No in- 
stance can be found of any dictionary, or any 
standard writer, nor any case in common 
discourse, where any of these significations 
are attached to the word as constituting its 
peculiar and appropriate meaning. It always 

d2 



42 

signifies that lepal act, which, by the laws of 
the land, changes a slave to a freeman. 

What then is the proper meaning of the lan- 
guage used by Abolitionists, when they say 
that all slavery is a sin which ought to be im- 
mediately abandoned, and that it is their ob- 
ject to secure the immediate emancipation of 
all slave- ' 

The true and only proper meaning of such 
language is, that it is the duty of every slave- 
holder in this nation, to go immediately and 
make out the legal instruments, that, by the 
laws of the land, change all his slaves to free- 
men. If their maxim is true, no exception 
can be made for those who live in States 
where the act of emancipation, by a master, 
makes a slave the property of the State, to 
be sold for the benefit of the State ; and no 
exception can be made for those, who, by 
the will of testators, and by the law of the 
land, have no power to perform the legal act, 
which alone can emancipate their slaves. 

To meet this difficulty, Abolitionists affirm, 
that, in such cases, men are physically unable 
to emancipate their slaves, and of course are 



43 

not bound to do it ; and to save their great 
maxim, maintain that, in such cases, the slaves 
are not slaves, and the slave-holders are not 
slave-holders, although all their legal relations 
remain unchanged. 

The meaning which the Abolitionist at- 
taches to his language is this, that every man 
is bound to treat his slaves, as nearly as he 
can, 5 like freemen; and to use all his influence 
to bring the system of slavery to an end as 
soon as possible. And they allow that when 
men do this they are free from guilt, in the 
matter of slavery, and undeserving of cen- 
sure. 

But men at the North, and men at the South, 
understand the language used in its true and 
proper sense; and Abolitionists have been 
using these terms in a new and peculiar sense, 
which is inevitably and generally misunder- 
stood, and this is an occasion of much of the 
strife and alarm which has prevailed both at 
the South and at the North. There are none 
but these defenders of slavery who maintain 
that it is a relation justifiable by the laws of 
the Gospel, who differ from Abolitionists in 



44 



regard to the real thing which is meant. 
The great mistake of Abolitionists is in using 
terms which inculcate the immediate annihi- 
lation of the relation, when they only intend 
to urge the Christian duty of treating slaves 
according to the gospel rules of justice and 
benevolence, and using all lawful and appro- 
priate means for bringing a most pernicious 
system to a speedy end. 

If Abolitionists will only cease to teach that 
all slave-holding is a sin which ought to be 
immediately abolished; if they will cease to 
urge their plan as one of immediate emancipa- 
tion, and teach simply and exactly that which 
they do mean, much strife and misunderstand- 
ing will cease. But so long as they perse- 
vere in using these terms in a new and pe- 
culiar sense, which will always be misunder- 
stood, they are guilty of a species of decep- 
tion and accountable for the evils that follow. 

One other instance of a similar misuse of 
terms may be mentioned. The word " man- 
stealer" has one peculiar signification, and it 
is no more synonymous with " slave-holder" 
than it is with " sheep-stealer." But Aboli- 



45 

tionists show that a slave-holder, in fact, does 
very many of the evils that are perpetrated 
by a man-stealer, and that the crime is quite 
as evil in its nature, and very similar in cha- 
racter, and, therefore, he calls a slave-holder 
a man-stealer. 

On this principle there is no abusive lan- 
guage that maynot be employed to renderany 
man odious — for every man commits sin of 
some kind, and every sin is like some other sin, 
in many respects, and in certain aggravated 
cases, may be bad, or even worse, than an- 
other sin with a much more odious name. It 
is easy to show that a man who neglects all 
religious duty is very much like an atheist, 
and if he has had great advantages, and the 
atheist very few, he may be much more guilty 
than an atheist. And so, half the respecta- 
ble men in our religious communities, may be 
called atheists, with as much propriety as a 
slave-holder can be called a man-stealer. 
Abolitionists have proceeded on this princi- 
ple, in their various publications, until the 
terms of odium that have been showered 
upon slave-holders, would form a large page 



40 



in the vocabulary of Billingsgate. This method 
of dealing with those whom we wish to con- 
vince and persuade, is as contrary to the dic- 
tates of common sense, as it is to the rules of 
good breeding and the laws of the gospel. 

The preceding particulars are selected, as 
the evidence to be presented, that the cha- 
racter and measures of the Abolition Society 
are neither peaceful nor Christian in their 
tendency; but that in their nature they are 
calculated to generate party-spirit, denuncia- 
tion, recrimination, and angry passions. If 
such be the tendency of this institution, it fol- 
lows, that it is wrong for a Christian, or any 
lover of peace, to be connected with it. 

The assertion that Christianity itself has 
led to strife and contention, is not a safe me- 
thod of evading this argument. Christianity 
is a system of persuasion, tending, by kind and 
gentle influences, to make men willing to leave 
off their sins — and it comes, not to convince 
those wmo are not sinners, but to sinners them- 
selves. 

x\bolitionism, on the contrary, is a system 
of coercion by public opinion; and in its pre- 



47 

sent operation, its influence is not to convince 
the erring, but to convince those who are not 
guilty, of the sins of those who are. 

Another prominent peculiarity of the Abo- 
litionists, (which is an objection to joining this 
association,) is their advocacy of a principle, 
which is wrong and very pernicious in its 
tendency. I refer to their views in regard to 
what is called " the doctrine of expediency." 
Their difficulty on this subject seems to have 
arisen from want of a clear distinction be- 
tween the duty of those who are guilty of 
sin, and the duty of those who are aiming to 
turn men from their sins. The principle is 
assumed, that because certain men ought to 
abandon every sin immediately, therefore, 
certain other men are bound immediately to 
try and make them do it. Now the question 
of expediency does not relate to what men 
are bound to do, who are in the practice of 
sin themselves— for the immediate relinquish- 
ment of sin is the duty of all; but it relates to 
the duty of those who are to make efforts to 
induce others to break off their wickedness. 

Here, the wisdom and rectitude of a given 



48 

course, depend entirely on the probabilities of 
success. If a father has a son of a very pe- 
culiar temperament, and he knows by obser- 
vation, that the use of the rod will make him 
more irritable and more liable to a certain 
fault, and that kind arguments, and tender 
measures will more probably accomplish the 
desired object, it is a rule of expediency to 
try the most probable course. If a compan- 
ion sees a friend committing a sin, and has, 
from past experience, learned that remon- 
strances excite anger and obstinacy, while a 
look of silent sorrow and disapprobation tends 
far more to prevent the evil, expediency and 
duty demand silence rather than remon- 
strance. 

There are cases also, where differences in 
age, and station, and character, forbid all in- 
terference to modify the conduct and cha- 
racter of others. 

A nursery maid may see that a father mis- 
governs his children, and ill-treats his wife. 
But her station makes it inexpedient for 
her to turn reprover. It is a case where re- 
proof would do no good, but onlv evil. 



49 

So in communities, the propriety and rec- 
titude of measures can be decided, not by 
the rules of duty that should govern those 
who are to renounce sin, but by the proba- 
bilities of good or evil consequence. 

The Abolitionists seem to lose sight of 
this distinction. They form voluntary asso- 
ciations in free States, to convince their fel- 
low citizens of the sins of other men in 
other communities. They are blamed and 
opposed, because their measures are deemed 
inexpedient, and calculated to increase, rath- 
er than diminish the evils to be cured. 

In return, they show that slavery is a sin 
which ought to be abandoned immediately, 
and seem to suppose that it follows as a cor- 
rect inference, that they themselves ought to 
engage in a system of agitation against it, 
and that it is needless for them to inquire 
whether preaching the truth in the manner 
they propose, will increase or diminish the 
evil. They assume that whenever sin is com- 
mitted, not only ought the sinner imme- 
diately to cease, but all his fellow-sinners are 
bound to take measures to make him cease, 

E 



50 

and to take measures, without any reference 
to the probabilities of success. 

That this is a correct representation of the 
views of Abolitionists generally, is evident 
from their periodicals and conversation. All 
their remarks about preaching the truth 
and leaving consequences to God — all their 
depreciation of the doctrine of expediency, 
are rendered relevant only by this suppo- 
sition. 

The impression made by their writings is, 
that God has made rules of duty; that all 
men are in all cases to remonstrate against 
the violation of those rules; and that God will 
take the responsibility of bringing good out 
of this course ; so that we ourselves are re- 
lieved from any necessity of inquiring as to 
probable results. 

If this be not the theory of duty adopted 
by this association, then they stand on com- 
mon ground with those who oppose their 
measures, viz : that the propriety and duty 
of a given course is to be decided by proba- 
bilities as to its results; and these probabili- 



51 

ties are to be determined by the known laws 
of mind, and the records of past experience. 

For only one of two positions can be held. 
Either that it is the duty of all men to re- 
monstrate at all times against all violations 
of duty, and leave the consequences with 
God ; or else that men are to use their judg- 
ment, and take the part of remonstrance only 
at such a time and place, and in such a man- 
ner, as promise the best results. 

That the Abolitionists have not held the 
second of these positions, must be obvious to 
all who have read their documents. It would 
therefore be unwise and wrong to join an as- 
sociation which sustains a principle false in 
itself, and one which, if acted out, would 
tend to wrath and strife and every evil 
word and work. 

Another reason, and the most important of 
all, against promoting the plans of the Abo- 
litionists, is involved in the main question — 
what are the probabilities as to the results of 
their movements? The only way to judge of 
the future results of certain measures is, by 



52 

the known laws of mind, and the recorded 
experience of the past. 

JNow what is the evil to be cured 1 

Slavery in this nation*. 

That this evil is at no distant period to 
come to an end, is the unanimous opinion 
of all who either notice the tendencies of the 
age, or believe in the prophecies of the 
Bible. All who act on Christian principles 
in regard to slavery, believe that in a given 
period (variously estimated) it will end. 
The only question then, in regard to the 
benefits to be gained, or the evils to be dread- 
ed in the present agitation of the subject, re- 
lates to the time and the manner of its extinc- 
tion. The Abolitionists claim that their me- 
thod will bring it to an end in the shortest 
time, and in the safest and best way. Their 
opponents believe, that it will tend to bring it 
to an end, if at all, at the most distant period, 
and in the most dangerous way. 

As neither party are gifted with pres- 
cience, and as the Deity has made no revela- 
tions as to the future results of any given 
measures, all the means of judging that re- 



53 

main to us, as before stated, are the laws of 
mind, and the records of the past. 

The position then I would aim to establish 
is, that the method taken by the Abolitionists 
is the one that, according to the laws of mind 
and past experience, is least likely to bring 
about the results they aim to accomplish. 
The general statement is this. 

The object to be accomplished is : 

First. To convince a certain community, 
that they are in the practice of a great sin, 
and 

Secondly, To make them willing to relin- 
quish it. 

The method taken to accomplish this is, 
by voluntary associations in a foreign com- 
munity, seeking to excite public sentiment 
against the perpetrators of the evil; exhibit- 
ing the enormity of the crime in full measure, 
without palliation, excuse or sympathy, by 
means of periodicals and agents circulating, 
not in the community committing the sin, 
but in that which does not practise it. 

Now that this method may, in conjunction 
with other causes, have an influence to bring 

e2 



54 

slavery to an end, is not denied. But it is 
believed, and from the following consider a- 
tions, that it is the least calculated to do the 
good, and that it involves the greatest evils. 

It is a known law of mind first seen in the 
nursery and school, afterwards developed in 
society, that a person is least likely to judge 
correctly of truth, and least likely to yield to 
duty, when excited by passion. 

It is a law of experience, that when wrong 
is done, if repentance and reformation are 
sought, then love and kindness, mingled with 
remonstrance, coming from one who has a 
right to speak, are more successful than re- 
buke and scorn from others who are not be- 
loved, and who are regarded as impertinent 
intruders. 

In the nursery, if the child does wrong, 
the finger of scorn, the taunting rebuke, or 
even the fair and deserved reproof of equals, 
will make the young culprit only frown with 
rage, and perhaps repeat and increase the 
injury. But the voice of maternal love, or 
even the gentle remonstrances of an elder 



55 

sister, may bring tears of sorrow and con- 
trition. 

So in society. Let a man's enemies, or 
those who have no interest in his welfare, 
join to rebuke and rail at his offences, and no 
signs of penitence will be seen. But let the 
clergyman whom he respects and loves, or 
his bosom friend approach him, with kind- 
ness, forbearance and true sincerity, and all 
that is possible to human agency will be ef- 
fected. 

It is the maxim then of experience, that 
when men are to be turned from evils, and 
brought to repent and reform, those only 
should interfere who are most loved and re- 
spected, and who have the best right to ap- 
proach the offender. While on the other 
hand, rebuke from those who are deemed 
obtrusive and inimical, or even indifferent, 
will do more harm than good. 

It is another maxim of experience, that 
such dealings with the erring should be in 
private, not in public. The moment a man 
is publicly rebuked, shame, anger, and pride 



50 

of opinion, all combine to make him defend 
his practice, and refuse either to own him- 
self wrong, or to cease from his evil ways. 

The Abolitionists have violated all these 
laws of mind and of experience, in dealing 
with their southern brethren. 

Their course has been most calculated to 
awaken anger, fear, pride hatred, and all 
the passions most likely to blind the mind to 
truth, and make it averse to duty. 

They have not approached them with the 
spirit of love, courtesy, and forbearance. 

They are not the persons who would be 
regarded by the South, as having any right 
to interfere ; and therefore, whether they 
have such right or not, the probabilities of 
good are removed. For it is not only demand- 
ed for the benefit of the offender, that there 
should really be a right, but it is necessary 
that he should feel that there is such a right. 

In dealing with their brethren, too, they 
have not tried silent, retired, private mea- 
sures. It has been public denunciation of 
crime and shame in newspapers, addressed 



57 

as it were to by-standers, in order to arouse 
the guilty. 

In reply to this, it has been urged, that 
men could not go to the South— that they 
would be murdered there — that the only way 
was, to convince the North, and excite pub- 
lic odium against the sins of the South, and 
thus gradually conviction, repentance, and 
reformation would ensue. 

Here is another case where men are to 
judge of their duty, by estimating probabili- 
ties of future results ; and it may first be ob- 
served, that it involves the principle of ex- 
pediency, in just that form to which Aboli- 
tionists object. 

It is allowed that the immediate abolition 
of slavery is to be produced by means of 
" light and love," and yet it is maintained as 
right to withdraw personally from the field of 
operation, because of consequences ; because 
of the probable danger of approaching. " If 
we go to the South, and present truth, argu- 
ment, and entreaty, we shall be slain, and 
therefore we are not under obligation to go." 
If this justifies Abolitionists in their neglect 



58 

of their offending brethren, because they 
fear evil results to themselves, it also justifies 
those who refuse to act with Abolitionists in 
their measures, because they fear other evil 
results. 

But what proof is there, that if the Aboli- 
tionists had taken another method, the one 
more in accordance with the laws of mind 
and the dictates of experience, that there 
would have been at the South all this vio- 
lence? Before the abolition movement com- 
menced, both northern and southern men, 
expressed their views freely at the South. 
The dangers, evils, and mischiefs of slavery 
were exhibited and discussed even in the 
legislative halls of more than one of the 
Southern States, and many minds were anx- 
iously devising measures, to bring this evil to 
an end. 

Now let us look at some of the records of 
past experience. Clarkson was the first per- 
son who devoted himself to the cause of 
Abolition in England. His object was to 
convince the people of England that they 
were guilty of a great impolicy, and great 



59 

sin, in permitting the slave-trade. He was 
to meet the force of public sentiment, and 
power, and selfishness, and wealth, which 
sustained this traffic, in that nation. What 
were his measures? He did not go to Swe- 
den, or Russia, or France, to awaken public 
sentiment against the sins of the English. — 
He began by first publishing an inquiry in 
England whether it was right to seize men, 
and make them slaves. He went unostenta- 
tiously to some of the best and most pious 
men there, and endeavoured to interest them 
in the inquiry. 

Then he published an article on the im- 
policy of the slave-trade, showing its disad- 
vantages. Then he collected information of 
the evils and enormities involved in the traffic, 
and went quietly around among those most 
likely to be moved by motives of humanity 
and Christianity. In this manner he toiled 
for more than fourteen years, slowly im- 
planting the leaven among the good men, 
until he gained a noble band of patriots and 
Christians, with Wilberforce at their head. 

The following extract from a memoir of 



60 

Clarkson discloses the manner and spirit in 

which he commenced his enterprise, and 
toiled through to its accomplishment. 

"In 1785 Dr. Peckhard, Vice-Chancellor 
of the University, deeply impressed with the 
iniquity of the slave-trade, announced as a 
subject for a Latin Dissertation to the Senior 
Bachelors of Arts: * Anne liceat in vitas in 
s rvitutem dare?'' ' Is it right to make slaves 
of others against their will V However bene- 
volent the feelings of the Vice-Chancellor, 
and however strong and clear the opinions 
he held on the inhuman traffic, it is probable 
that he little thought that this discussion 
would secure for the object so dear to his 
own heart, efforts and advocacy equally en- 
lightened and efficient, that should be con- 
tinued, until his country had declared, not 
that the slave-trade only, but that slavery 
itself should cease. 

" Mr. Clarkson, having in the preceding 
year gained the first prize for the Latin Dis- 
sertation, was naturally anxious to maintain 
his honourable position ; and no efforts were 
spared, during the few intervening weeks, in 



61 

collecting information and evidence. Im- 
portant facts were gained from Anthony 
Benezet's Historical Account of Guinea, 
which Mr. Clarkson hastened to London to 
purchase. Furnished with these and other 
valuable information, he commenced his dif- 
ficult task. How it was accomplished, he 
thus informs us. 

"'No person,' he states,* 'can tell the 
severe trial which the writing of it proved to 
me. I had expected pleasure from the in- 
vention of the arguments, from the arrange- 
ment of them, from the putting of them 
together, and from the thought, in the inte- 
rim, that I was engaged in an innocent con- 
test for literary honour. But all my pleasure 
was damped by the facts which were now 
continually before me. It was but one 
gloomy subject from morning to night. In 
the day-time I was uneasy ; in the night I 
had little rest. I sometimes never closed my 
eyelids for grief. It became now not so 
much a trial for academical reputation, as for 

* History of the Abolition of the Slave Trade. 
F 



62 

the production of a work which might be 
useful to injured Africa. And keeping this 
idea in my mind ever after the perusal of 
Benezet, I always slept with a candle in my 
room, that I might rise out of bed, and put 
down such thoughts as might occur to me in 
the night, if I judged them valuable, conceiv- 
ing that no arguments of any moment should 
be lost in so great a cause. Having at length 
finished this painful task, I sent my Essay to 
the Vice-Chancellor, and soon afterwards 
found myself honoured, as before, with the 
first prize. 

" ' As it is usual to read these essays pub- 
licly in the senate-house soon after the prize 
is adjudged, I was called to Cambridge for 
this purpose. I went, and performed my 
office. On returning, however, to London, 
the subject of it almost wholly engrossed my 
thoughts. I became at times very seriously 
affected while upon the road. I stopped my 
horse occasionally, and dismounted, and 
walked. I frequently tried to persuade my- 
self in these intervals that the contents of 
my Essay could not be true. The more. 



63 

however, I reflected upon them, or rather 
upon the authorities on which they were 
founded, the more I gave them credit. Com- 
ing in sight of Wade's Mill, in Hertfordshire, 
I sat down disconsolate on the turf by the 
road-side, and held my horse. Here a 
thought came into my mind, that if the con- 
tents of the Essay were true, it was time 
some person should see these calamities to 
their end. Agitated in this manner, I reach- 
ed home. This was in the summer of 1785. 
" ' In the course of the autumn of the same 
year I experienced similar impressions. I 
walked frequently into the woods, that I 
might think on the subject in solitude, and 
find relief to my mind there. But there the 
question still recurred, ' Are these things 
true?' Still the answer followed as instan- 
taneously, — ' They are.' Still the result ac- 
companied it; 'Then, surely, some person 
should interfere.' I then began to envy those 
who had seats in parliament, and who had 
great riches, and widely extended connexions, 
which would enable them to take up this 
cause. Finding scarcely any one at that 



64 

time who thought of it, I was turned fre- 
quently to myself. But here many difficulties 
arose. It struck me, among others, that a 
young man of only twenty-four years of age 
could not have that solid judgment, or know- 
ledge of men, manners, and things, which 
were requisite to qualify him to undertake 
a task of such magnitude and import- 
ance : and with whom was I to unite? I 
believed also, that it looked so much like one 
of the feigned labours of Hercules, that my 
understanding would be suspected if I pro- 
posed it. On ruminating, however, on the 
subject, I found one thing at least practica- 
ble, and that this was also in my pow r er. 
I could translate my Latin Dissertation. I 
could enlarge it usefullv. I could see how 
the public received it, or how far they were 
likely to favour any serious measures, which 
should have a tendency to produce the aboli- 
tion of the slave-trade. Upon this, then, I 
determined ; and in the middle of the month 
of November, 1785, I began my w 7 ork.' 

" Such is the characteristic and ingenuous 
account given by Clarkson of his introduc- 



65 

tion to that work to which the energies of 
his life were devoted, and in reference to 
which, and to the account whence the fore- 
going extract has been made, one of the most 
benevolent and gifted writers of our country* 
has justly observed, — 

" ' This interesting tale is related, not by a 
descendant, but a cotemporary; not by a 
distant spectator, but by a participator of the 
contest; and of all the many participators, 
by the man confessedly the most efficient; 
the man whose unparalleled labours in this 
work of love and peril, leave on the mind of 
a reflecting reader the sublime doubt, which 
of the two will have been the greater final 
gain to the moral world, — the removal of the 
evil, or the proof, thereby given, what mighty 
effects single good men may realize by self- 
devotion and perseverance.' 

" When Mr. Clarkson went to London to 
publish his book, he was introduced to many 
friends of the cause of Abolition, who aided 
in giving it extensive circulation. Whilst 

* Coleridge. 
f2 



66 

thus employed, he received an invitation, 
which he accepted, to visit the Rev. James 
Ramsay, vicar of Teston, in Kent, who had 
resided nineteen years in the island of St. 
Christopher. 

" Shortly afterwards, dining one day at 
Sir Charles Middleton's, (afterwards Lord 
Barham,) the conversation turned upon the 
subject, and Mr. Clarkson declared that he 
was ready to devote himself to the cause. This 
avowal met with great encouragement from 
the company, and Sir C. Middleton, then 
Comptroller to the Navy, oflered every pos- 
sible assistance. The friends of Mr. Clarkson 
increased, and this encouraged him to pro- 
ceed. Dr. Porteus, then Bishop of Chester, 
and Lord Scarsdale, were secured in the 
House of Lords. Mr. Bennet Langton, and 
Dr. Baker, who were acquainted with many 
members of both houses of parliament ; the 
honoured Granville Sharpe, James and Rich- 
ard Phillips, could be depended upon, as well 
as the entire body of the Society of Friends, 
to many of w 7 hom he had been introduced 
by Mr. Joseph Hancock, his fellow-townsman. 



67 

Seeking information in every direction, Mr. 
Clarkson boarded a number of vessels en- 
gaged in the African trade, and obtained 
specimens of the natural productions of the 
country. The beauty of the cloth made from 
African cotton, &c. enhanced his estimate of 
the skill and ingenuity of the people, and 
gave a fresh stimulus to his exertions on their 
behalf. He next visited a slave-ship ; the 
rooms below, the gratings above, and the 
barricade across the deck, with the explana- 
tion of their uses, though the sight of them 
filled him with sadness and horror, gave new 
energy to all his movements. In his inde- 
fatigable endeavours to collect evidence and 
facts, he visited most of the sea-ports in the 
kingdom, pursuing his great object with in- 
vincible ardour, although sometimes at the 
peril of his life. The following circumstance, 
among others, evinces the eminent degree in 
which he possessed that untiring perseve- 
rance, on which the success of a great enter- 
prise often depends. 

" Clarkson and his friends had reason to 
fear that slaves brought from the interior of 



08 

Africa by certain rivers, had been kidnapped; 
and it was deemed of great importance to 
ascertain the fact. A friend one day men- 
tioned to Mr. Clarkson, thai he had, above 
twelve months before, seen a sailor who had 
been up these rivers. The name of the sailor 
was unknown, and all the friend could say 
was. that he was going to, or belonged to, 
some man-of-war in ordinary. The evidence 
of this individual was important, and, aided 
by his friend Sir Charles Middleton, who 
gave him permission to board all the ships of 
war in ordinary, Mr. Clarkson commenced 
his search : — beginning at Deptford, lie visit- 
ed successively Woolwich, Chatham, Sheer- 
ness, and Portsmouth; examining in his pro- 
gress the different persons on board upwards 
of two hundred and sixty vessels, without 
discovering the object of his search. The 
feelings under which the search was con- 
tinued, and the success with which it was 
crowned, he has himself thus described: — 

" * Matters now began to look rather dis- 
heartening, — I mean as far as my grand ob- 
ject was concerned. There was but one 



69 

other port left, and this was between two and 
three hundred miles distant. I determined, 
however, to go to Plymouth. I had already 
been more successful in this tour, with re- 
spect to obtaining general evidence, than in 
any other of the same length; and the pro- 
bability was, that as I should continue to 
move among the same kind of people, my 
success would be in a similar proportion, ac- 
cording to the number visited. These were 
great encouragements to me to proceed. At 
length I arrived at the place of my last hope. 
On my first day's expedition I boarded forty 
vessels, but found no one in these who had 
been on the coast of Africa in the slave-trade. 
One or two had been there in king's ships; 
but they never had been on shore. Things 
were now drawing near to a close; and not- 
withstanding my success, as to general evi- 
dence, in this journey, my heart began to 
beat. I was restless and uneasy during the 
night. The next morning I felt agitated 
again between the alternate pressure of hope 
and fear; and in this state I entered my boat. 
The fifty-seventh vessel I boarded was the 



70 

Melampus frigate. — One person belonging to 
it, on examining him in the captain's cabin, 
said he had been two voyages to Africa; and 
I had not long discoursed with him, before I 
found, to my inexpressible joy, that he was 
the man. I found, too, that he unravelled the 
question in dispute precisely as our inferences 
had determined it. He had been two expe- 
ditions up the river Calabar, in the canoes of 
the natives. In the first of these they came 
within a certain distance of a village: they 
then concealed themselves under the bushes, 
which hung over the water from the banks. 
In this position they remained during the 
day-light ; but at night they went up to it 
armed, and seized all the inhabitants who 
had not time to make their escape. They 
obtained forty-five persons in this manner. 
In the second, they were out eight or nine 
days, when they made a similar attempt, and 
with nearly similar success. They seized 
men, women, and children, as they could find 
them in the huts. They then bound their 
arms, and drove them before them to the 
canoes. The name of the person thus dis- 



71 

covered on board of the Melampus was Isaac 
Parker. On inquiring into his character, 
from the master of the division, I found it 
highly respectable. I found also afterward 
that he had sailed with Captain Cook, with 
great credit to himself, round the world. It 
was also remarkable, that my brother, on 
seeing him in London, when he went to de- 
liver his evidence, recognized him as having 
served on board the Monarch, man-of-war, 
and as one of the most exemplary men in 
that ship.' 

"Mr. Clarkson became, early in his career, 
acquainted with Mr. Wilberforce. At their 
first interview, the latter frankly stated, ' that 
the subject had often employed his thoughts, 
and was near his heart,' and learning his 
visiter's intention to devote himself to this 
benevolent object, congratulated him on his 
decision ; desired to be made acquainted with 
his progress, expressing his willingness, in 
return, to afford every assistance in his 
power. In his intercourse with members of 
parliament, Mr. Clarkson was now frequently 
associated with Mr. Wilberforce, who dail} 



72 

became more interested in the fate of Africa. 
The intercourse of the two philanthropists 
was mutually cordial and encouraging; Mr. 
Clarkson imparting his discoveries in the 
custom-houses of London, Liverpool, and 
other places; and Mr. Wilberforce commu- 
nicating the information he had gained from 
those with whom he associated. 

"In 1788, Mr. Clarkson published his im- 
portant work on the Impolicy of the Slave- 
Trade. 

" In 1780, this indefatigable man went to 
France, by the advice of the Committee 
which he had been instrumental in forming 
tw : o years before ; Mr. Wilberforce, always 
solicitous for the good of the oppressed Afri- 
cans, being of opinion that advantage might 
be taken of the commotions in that country, 
to induce the leading persons there to take 
the slave-trade into their consideration, and 
incorporate it among the abuses to be re- 
moved. Several of Mr. Clarkson's friends 
advised him to travel by another name, as 
accounts had arrived in England of the ex- 
cesses which had taken place in Paris; but 



73 

to this he could not consent. On his arrival 
in that city he was speedily introduced to 
those who were favourable to the great ob- 
ject of his life ; and at the house of M. Necker 
dined with the six deputies of colour from St. 
Domingo, — who had been sent to France at 
this juncture, to demand that the free people 
of colour in their country might be placed 
upon an equality with the whites. Their com- 
munications to the English philanthropist 
were important and interesting ; they hailed 
him as their friend, and were abundant in 
their commendations of his conduct. 

" Copies of the Essay on the Impolicy ot 
the Slave-Trade, translated into French, with 
engravings of the plan and section of a slave 
ship, were distributed with apparent good 
effect. The virtuous Abbe Gregoire, and 
several members of the National Assembly, 
called upon Mr. Clarkson. The Archbishop 
of Aix was so struck with horror, when the 
plan of the slave ship was shown to him, 
that he could scarcely speak ; and Mirabeau 
ordered a model of it in wood to be placed 
in his dining-room. 

G 



71 

" The circulation of intelligence, although 
contributing to make many friends, called 
forth the extraordinary exertions of enemies. 
Merchants, and others interested in the con- 
tinuance of the slave-trade, wrote letters to 
the Archbishop of Aix, beseeching him not 
to ruin France: which they said he would 
inevitably do, if, as the president, he were to 
grant a day for hearing the question of the 
abolition. Oilers of money were made to 
Mirabeau, if he would totally abandon his 
intended motion. Books were circulated in 
opposition to Mr. Clarkson's; resort was had 
to the public papers, and he was denounced 
as a spy. The clamour raised by these ef- 
forts pervaded all Paris, and reached the 
ears of the king. M. Necker had a long 
conversation with his royal master upon it, 
who requested to see the Essay, and the spe- 
cimens of African manufactures, and be- 
stowed considerable time upon them, being 
surprised at the state of the arts there- M. 
Necker did not exhibit the section of the 
slave ship, thinking that as the king was in- 
disposed, he might be too much affected by 



75 



it. Louis returned the specimens, commis- 
sioning M. Necker to convey his thanks to 
Mr. Clarkson, and express his gratification 
at what he had seen. 

"No decided benefit appears at this time to 
have followed the visit: but though much 
depressed by his ill success in France, Mr. 
Clarkson continued his labours, till excess of 
exertion, joined to repeated and bitter disap- 
pointments, impaired his health, and, after a 
hard struggle, subdued a constitution, natu- 
rally strong and vigorous beyond the lot of 
men in general, but shattered by anxiety and 
fatigue, and the sad probability, often forced 
upon his understanding, that all might at last 
have been in vain. Under these feelings, he 
retired in 1794 to the beautiful banks of 
Ulleswater; there to seek that rest which, 
without peril to his life, could no longer be 
delayed. 

" For seven years he had maintained a cor- 
respondence with four hundred persons; he 
annually wrote a book upon the subject of 
the abolition, and travelled more than thirty- 
five thousand miles in search of evidence, 



76 

making a great part of these journeys in the 
night. * All this time,' Mr. Clark son writes, 
'my mind had been on the stretch ; it had been 
bent too to this one Bubject; for J had not 
even leisure to attend to my own concerns. 
The various instances of barbarity, which 
had come successively to my knowledge 
within this period, had vexed, harassed, and 
afflicted it. The wound which these had 
produced was rendered still deeper by the 
reiterated refusal of persons to give their tes- 
timony, after I had travelled hundreds of 
miles in quest of them. But the severest 
stroke was that inflicted by the persecution 
begun and pursued by persons interested in 
the continuance of the trade, of such wit- 
nesses as had been examined against them ; 
and whom, on account of their dependent 
situation in life, it was most easy to oppress. 
As I had been the means of bringing them 
forward on these occasions, they naturally 
came to me, as the author of their miseries 
and their ruin.* These different circum- 

* The father of the late Samuel Whitbread, Esq., 
generously undertook, in order to make Mr. Clarkson's 



77 

stances, by acting together, had at length 
brought me into the situation just mention- 
ed; and I was, therefore, obliged, though 
very reluctantly, to be borne out of the field 
where I had placed the great honour and 
glory of my life.'" 

It was while thus recruiting the energies 
exhausted in the conflict, that Clarkson, and 
the compatriot band with which he had been 
associated in the long and arduous struggle, 
were crowned with victory, and received the 
grateful reward of their honourable toil in 
the final abolition of the slave-trade by the 
British nation, in 1807, the last but most glo- 
rious act of the Grenville administration. 

The preceding shows something of the ca- 
reer of Clarkson while labouring to convince 
the people of Great Britain of the iniquity of 
their own trade, a trade which they had the 
power to abolish. During all this time, 
Clarkson, Wilberforce, and their associates 

mind easy upon the subject, " to make good all injuries 
which any individuals might suffer from such persecu 
tion ; and he honourably and nobly fulfilled his engage 
ment. 

g2 



78 

avoided touching the matter of slavery. They 
knew that one tiling must be gained at a 
time, and they as a matter of expediency, 
avoided discussing the duty of the British 
nation in regard to the system of slavery in 
their colonies which was entirely under their 
own control. During all the time that was 
employed in efforts to end the slave-trade, 
slavery was existing in the control of the 
British people, and yet Clarkson and Wil- 
berforce decided that it was right to let that 
matter entirely alone. 

The History of the Abolition of the Slave- 
trade, by Clarkson himself, presents a more 
detailed account of his own labours and of 
the labours of others, and whoever will read 
it, will observe the following particulars in 
which this effort differed from the Abolition 
movement in America. 

In the first place, it was conducted by some 
of the wisest and most talented statesmen, as 
well as the most pious men, in the British na- 
tion. Pitt, Fox, and some of the highest of the 
nobility and bishops in England, were the 
firmest friends of the enterprise from the first. 



79 



It was conducted by men who had the in- 
tellect, knowledge, discretion, and wisdom 
demanded for so great an enterprise. 

Secondly. It was conducted slowly, peace- 
ably, and by eminently judicious influences. 

Thirdly. It included, to the full extent, the 
doctrine of expediency denounced by Aboli- 
tionists. 

One of the first decisions of the " Committee 
for the Abolition of the Slave-trade," which 
conducted all Abolition movements, was that 
slavery should not be attacked, but only the 
slave-trade; and Clarkson expressly says, that 
it was owing to this, more than to any other 
measure, that success was gained. 

Fourthly. Good men were not divided, 
and thrown into contending parties. — The 
opponents to the measure, were only those 
who were personally interested in the per- 
petuation of slavery or the slave-trade. 

Fifthly. This effort was one to convince 
men of their own obligations, and not an effort 
to arouse public sentiment against the sinful 
practices of another community over which 
they had no control. 



s() 

1 would now ask. why could not some 
southern gentleman, such for example as .Mr. 
Birney, whose manners, education, character, 
and habits give him abundant facilities, have 
acted the part of Clarkson, and quietly have 
gone to work at the South, collecting facts, 
exhibiting the impolicy and the evils, to good 
men at the South, by the fire-side of the plan- 
ter, the known home of hospitality and 
chivalry. Why could he not have com- 
menced with the most vulnerable point, the 
domestic slave-trade, leaving emancipation for 
a future and more favourable period? What 
right lias any one to say that there w r as no 
southern Wilberforce that would have arisen, 
no southern Grant, Macaulayor Sharpe,who, 
like the English philanthropists, would have 
stood the fierce beating of angry billows, and 
by patience, kindness, arguments, facts, elo- 
quence, and Christian love, convinced the 
skeptical, enlightened the ignorant, excited 
the benevolent, and finally have carried the 
day at the South, by the same means and 
measures, as secured the event in England ? 
All experience is in favour of the method 



81 

which the Abolitionists have rejected, because 
it involves danger to themselves. The cause 
they have selected is one that stands, alone. — 
No case parallel on earth can be brought to 
sustain it, with probabilities of good results. 
No instance can be found, where exciting the 
public sentiment of one community against 
evil practices in another, was ever made the 
means of eradicating those evils. All the 
laws of mind, all the records of experience, 
go against the measures that Abolitionists 
have taken, and in favour of the one they 
have rejected. And when we look still far- 
ther ahead, at results which time is to devel- 
ope, how stand the probabilities, when we, in 
judging, again take, as data, the laws of mind 
and the records of experience? 

What are the plans, hopes, and expecta- 
tions of Abolitionists, in reference to their 
measures? They are now labouring to make 
the North a great Abolition Society, — to con- 
vince every northern man that slavery at the 
South is a great sin, and that it ought imme- 
diately to cease. Suppose they accomplish 



82 

this to the extent they hope, — so far as we 

have seen, the more the North is convinced, 
the inure firmly the South rejects the light, 
and turns from the truth. 

While Abolition Societies did not exist, 
men could talk and write, at the South, 
agaiust the evils of slavery, and northern 
men had free access and liberty of speech, 
both at the South and at the North. But 
now all is changed. Every avenue of ap- 
proach to the South is shut. No paper, 
pamphlet, or preacher, that touches on that 
topic, is admitted in their bounds. Their own 
citizens, that once laboured and remonstrated, 
are silenced; their own clergy, under the in- 
fluence of the exasperated feelings of their 
people, and their own sympathy and sense of 
wrong, either entirely hold their peace, or 
become the defenders of a system they once 
lamented, and attempted to bring to an end. 
This is the record of experience as to the 
tendencies of Abolitionism, as thus far deve- 
loped. The South are now in just that state 
of high exasperation, at the sense of wanton 
injury and impertinent interference, which 



83 

makes the influence of truth and reason most 
useless and powerless. 

But suppose the Abolitionists succeed, not on- 
ly in making northern men Abolitionists,but also 
in sending a portion of light into the South, such 
as to form a body of Abolitionists there also. 
What is the thing that is to be done to end slav- 
ery at the South? It is to alter the laws, and to 
do this, a small minority must begin a long, 
bitter, terrible conflict with a powerful and 
exasperated majority. Now if, as the Abo- 
litionists hope, there will arise at the South 
such a minority, it will doubtless consist of 
men of religious and benevolent feelings, — 
men of that humane, and generous, and up- 
right spirit, that most keenly feel the injuries 
inflicted on their fellow men. Suppose such 
a band of men begin their efforts, sustained 
by the northern Abolitionists, already so 
odious. How will the exasperated majority 
act, according to the known laws of mind 
and of experience? Instead of lessening the 
evils of slavery, they will increase them. The 
more they are goaded by a sense of aggres- 
sive wrong without, or by fears of dangers 



84 

within, the more they will restrain their 
slaves, and diminish their liberty, and in- 
crease their disabilities. They will make 
laws so unjust and oppressive, not only to 
slaves, but to their Abolitionist advocates, 
that by degrees such men will withdraw from 
their bounds. Laws will be made expressly 
to harass them, and to render them so uncom- 
fortable that they must withdraw. Then gra- 
dually the righteous will flee from the devoted 
city. Then the numerical proportion of whites 
will decrease, and the cruelty and unrestrain- 
ed wickedness of the svstem will increase, till 
a period will come when the physical power 
will be so much with the blacks, their sense 
of suffering so increased, that the volcano 
will burst, — insurrection and servile wars will 
begin. Oh, the countless horrors of such a 
day ! And will the South stand alone in that 
burning hour? When she sends forth the 
wailing of her agonies, shall not the North 
and the West hear, and lift up together the 
voice of wo? Will not fathers hear the cries 
of children, and brothers the cries of sisters? 
Will the terrors of insurrection sweep over 



85 

the South, and no Northern and Western 
blood be shed? Will the slaves be cut down, 
in such a strife, when they raise the same 
psean song of liberty and human rights, that 
was the watchword of our redemption from 
far less dreadful tyranny, and which is now 
thrilling the nations and shaking monarchs 
on their thrones — will this be heard, and none 
of the sons of liberty be found to appear on 
their side? This is no picture of fancied 
dangers, which are not near. The day has 
come, when already the feelings are so ex- 
cited on both sides, that I have heard intelli- 
gent men, good men, benevolent and pious 
men, in moments of excitement, declare them- 
selves ready to take up the sword — some for 
the defence of the master, some for the pro- 
tection and right of the slave. It is my full 
conviction, that if insurrection does burst 
forth, and there be the least prospect of suc- 
cess to the cause of the slave, there will be 
men from the North and West, standing 
breast to breast, with murderous weapons, in 
opposing ranks. 

Such apprehensions many would regard as 

H 



86 



needless, and exclaim against sucii melan- 
choly predictions. But in a case where the 
whole point of duty and expediency turns 
upon the probabilities as to results, those 
probabilities ought to be the chief subjects of 
inquiry. True, no one has a right to say 
with confidence what will or what will not 
be; and it has often amazed and disturbed 
my mind to perceive how men, with so small 
a field of vision, — with so little data for judg- 
ing, — with so few years, and so little expe- 
rience, can pronounce concerning the results 
of measures bearing upon the complicated 
relations and duties of millions, and in a case 
where the wisest and best are dismayed and 
baffled. It sometimes lias seemed to me that 
the prescience of Deity alone should dare to 
take such positions as are both carelessly as- 
sumed, and pertinaciously defended, by the 
advocates of Abolitionism. 

But if we are to judge of the wisdom or 
folly of any measures on this subject, it must 
be with reference to future results. One 
course of measures, it is claimed, tends to 
perpetuate slavery, or to end it by scenes of 



87 

terror and bloodshed. Another course tends 
to bring it to an end sooner, and by safe and 
peaceful influences. And the whole discus- 
sion of duty rests on these probabilities. But 
where do the laws of mind and experience 
oppose the terrific tendencies of Abolitionism 
that have been portrayed? Are not the minds 
of men thrown into a ferment, and excited by 
those passions which blind the reason, and 
warp the moral sense? Is not the South in 
a state of high exasperation against Aboli- 
tionists ? Does she not regard them as ene- 
mies, as reckless madmen, as impertinent 
intermeddlers? Will the increase of their 
numbers tend to allay this exasperation? 
Will the appearance of a similar body in 
their own boundaries have any tendency to 
soothe? Will it not still more alarm and ex- 
asperate? If a movement of a minority of 
such men attempt to alter the laws, are not 
the probabilities strong that still more unjust 
and oppressive measures will be adopted? — 
measures that will tend to increase the hard- 
ships of the slave, and to drive out of the com- 
munity all humane, conscientious and pious 



88 

men ! As the evils and dangers increase, will 
not the alarm constantly diminish the propor- 
tion of whites, and make it more and more need- 
ful to increase such disabilities and restraints 
as will chafe and inflame the black< I When 
this point is reached, will the blacks, knowing, 
as they will know, the sympathies of their 
Abolition friends, refrain from exerting their 
physical power? The Southampton insurrec- 
tion occurred with far less chance of sympathy 
and success. 

If that most horrible of all scourges, a ser- 
vile war, breaks forth, will the slaughter of 
fathers, sons, infants, and of aged, — will the 
cries of wives, daughters, sisters, and kindred, 
suffering barbarities worse than death, bring 
no fathers, brothers, and friends to their aid, 
from the North and West? 

And if the sympathies and indignation of 
freemen can already look such an event in 
the face, and feel that it would be the slave, 
rather than the master, whom they would 
defend, what will be the probability, after a 
few years' chafing shall have driven away 
the most christian and humane from scenes 



89 

of cruelty and inhumanity, which they could 
neither alleviate nor redress? 1 should like 
to see any data of past experience, that will 
show that these results are not more probable 
than that the South will, by the system of 
means now urged upon her, finally be con- 
vinced of her sins, and voluntarily bring the 
system of slavery to an end. I claim not 
that the predictions I present will be fulfilled. 
I only say, that if Abolitionists go on as they 
propose, such results are more probable than 
those they hope to attain. 

I have not here alluded to the probabilities 
of the severing of the Union by the present 
mode of agitating the question. This may be 
one of the results, and, if so, what are the 
probabilities for a Southern republic, that has 
torn itself off for the purpose of excluding 
foreign interference, and for the purpose of 
perpetuating slavery? Can any Abolitionist 
suppose that, in such a state of things, the 
great cause of emancipation is as likely to 
progress favourably, as it was when we were 
one nation, and mingling on those fraternal 

h 2 



90 

terms that existed before the Abolition move- 
ment began? 

Another reason why it seems inexpedient 
to join the Abolition Society is, that the ob- 
ject aimed at by such a step can be much 
better secured by another course. 

Let it be allowed that slavery in this nation 
is to be ended by enlightening the public mind 
in regard to the impolicy, the danger and the 
guilt of perpetuating this system. Let it be 
granted also, for the sake of argument, that 
the measures pursued by Abolitionists have 
done some good, in awakening general atten- 
tion, and that they will still do some good, by 
keeping the subject before the public mind. 
Suppose now, that an individual wishes to 
contribute his moiety of influence to promote 
free discussion, and to enlighten public opi- 
nion on this subject. It appears to me, that 
the most unpromising of all methods ho could 
adopt would be to join an Abolition Society. 
But let a man act as an individual committed 
to no party interest — let him discuss the sub- 
ject with his associates, or before the public 

let him write for the press— let him use his 



91 



influence with editors and publishers to pro- 
mote the dissemination of right views, stated 
in a calm, honest, and Christian way, without 
personalities, without denunciation, and with- 
out impeaching the character or motives of 
those who differ from him — let him impar- 
tially disapprove all that is wrong in princi- 
ples or practice, either in the defenders or the 
opposers of slavery, — let any man take such 
a course, and more respect will be paid to his 
opinions, more attention will be given to his 
arguments, and more success will crown his 
exertions, than he could possibly secure if his 
individuality were lost in party alliances. 

On the contrary, let such a man connect 
himself with an Abolition Society, and in the 
first place he loses much respect for good 
judgment and discretion with a large class of 
persons, who, but for this step, would have 
been influenced by his opinions or arguments. 
He would instantly be regarded as a mere 
partizan, bound to carry forward party mea- 
sures, and blinded and misled by party influ- 
ences. In the next place he would become a 
sharer in the discredit, which, whether de- 



92 



servedly or not, this association has acquired 
for discourteousness, uncharitableness, denun- 
ciation, misjudgment, and reckless ultraism. 
In addition to this, he would feel bound (as 
most Abolitionists appear to feel) either to 
extenuate and defend some measures and lan- 
guage, which can no more be justified by the 
Gospel rules than could slavery itself, or else, 
by entire silence, to accord a tacit approba- 
tion; for, among a class of men who are so 
strenuous as to the duty of rebuking sin, both 
at home and abroad, silence cannot but be fair- 
ly construed into approbation. How many 
good men now connected with the Abolition 
Society, are entirely silent in regard to lan- 
guage and measures adopted by their leaders, 
which they never would practise themselves, 
nor intentionally defend or approve. And 
this is one of the most pernicious results of a 
connexion with an association in which party 
spirit is so strong, and in which, at the same 
time, there is so much that good men ought 
to discountenance and disapprove. 

In an age in which it is so common to 
wrge forward measures by combination and 



93 

by party spirit, it becomes an occasion for 
serious inquiry to good and peaceable men, 
whether they are at liberty to give up indi- 
vidual for associated action, in those cases 
where party spirit, and all its exasperating 
influences, have become dominant. Such 
objects as the circulation of the Bible, the 
extension of the Gospel, the promotion of 
Temperance and other benevolent associa- 
tions, good men can unite in, without throw- 
ing themselves into the heat of party conflict. 
It is true, there are cases when men must ne- 
cessarily be included in parties, even when 
party spirit is raging in its worst forms. For 
example, there may be theological conflicts 
where every man must either take one side 
or the other, or else cease to teach and preach 
his own opinions. Here the evil and danger 
cannot be avoided. But the discussion and 
the free expression of opinion on the subject 
of slavery, involves no such necessity. The 
defenders of slavery, and those who are op- 
posed to it, are not arranged into two distinct 
and organized parties. It is true, that Abo- 
litionists very extensively have endeavoured 



Ill 

10 make the Impression that all who do not 
join their party, or who object to their mea- 
sures, are in the same class with the advo- 
cates of slavery. But this is a mistake. The 
question that divides into parties on this sub- 
ject is not one of great moral principles, but 
rather of expediency in reference to the safest 
and wisest method of removing a great evil. 
One class believes that the evil can be re- 
moved by voluntary associations to promote 
free discussion; the other class hold that this 
method, in the manner it has been conducted, 
is neither wise nor safe. And this last class 
includes both the advocates of slavery and 
those who are in principle opposed to it, and 
who at the same time would advocate the 
duty of using all lawful and suitable means 
to bring it to an end. Those who choose to 
organize and assume a distinctive name, ren- 
der themselves liable to all the danger and 
mischief of party spirit. Those who do not 
organize, retain all their individual influence 
and remain uncommitted to any party mea- 
sures. They are entirely free to sustain what 



95 

is right, and to oppose what is wrong, in 
whatever person or party they find it. 

And so far as I have observed, there are 
no men who have done so much to promote 
free discussion on the subject of slavery, as 
some who have kept aloof from all party 
organization, and yet have publicly and freely 
discussed the principles and the conduct of 
those who have agitated the subject. And I 
believe the number of such men will increase 
from the ranks of the most intelligent, the 
most patriotic, and the most consistently 
pious ; men who will take sides with no party, 
but stand with individual responsibility, as the 
defenders of liberty of opinion and freedom 
of speech, as the friends of the helpless and 
the advocates of the oppressed. 

And a time has come when men are much 
more called to think, to speak, and to act 
on this subject, than at any previous pe- 
riod. The question of slavery has now be- 
come involved in other matters both of church 
and state, so that there must be frequent oc- 
casions when men will be called to take a stand 
in reference to the great principles of liberty. 



90 

And this is an important reason why they 
should stand uncommitted as partizans, so 
that in every coming emergency they may 
preserve impartial, unprejudiced, and inde- 
pendent minds. 

The preceding are some of the reasons 
which, on the general view, I would present 
as opposed to the proposal of forming Aboli- 
tion Societies; and they apply equally to 
either sex. There are some others which 
seem to oppose peculiar objections to the ac- 
tion ot* females in the way you w r ould urge. 

To appreciate more fully these objections, 
it will be necessary to recur to some general 
views in relation to the place woman is ap- 
pointed to fill by the dispensations of heaven. 

It has of late become quite fashionable in 
all benevolent efforts, to shower upon our sex 
an abundance of compliments, not only for 
what they have done, but also for what they 
can do; and so injudicious and so frequent, 
are these oblations, that while I feel an in- 
creasing respect for my countrywomen, that 
their good sense has not been decoyed by 



97 

these appeals to their vanity and ambition, I 
cannot but apprehend that there is some need 
of inquiry as to the just bounds of female in- 
fluence, and the times, places, and manner in 
which it can be appropriately exerted. 

It is the grand feature of the Divine 
economy, that there should be different sta- 
tions of superiority and subordination, and it 
is impossible to annihilate this beneficent and 
immutable law. On its first entrance into 
life, the child is a dependent on parental love, 
and of necessity takes a place of subordina- 
tion and obedience. As he advances in life 
these new relations of superiority and subor- 
dination multiply. The teacher must be the 
superior in station, the pupil a subordinate. 
The master of a family the superior, the do- 
mestic a subordinate — the ruler a superior, 
the subject a subordinate. Nor do these re- 
lations at all depend upon superiority either 
in intellectual or moral worth. However 
weak the parents, or intelligent the child, 
there is no reference to this, in the immutable 
law. However incompetent the teacher, or 



98 

superior the pupil, no alteration of station can 
be allowed. However unworthy the master 
or worthy the servant, while their mutual re- 
lations continue, no change in station as to 
subordination can be allowed. In fulfilling 
the duties of these relations, true dignity con- 
sists in conforming to all those relations that 
demand subordination, with propriety and 
cheerfulness. When does a man, however 
high his character or station, appear more 
interesting or dignified than when yielding 
reverence and deferential attentions to an 
aged parent, however weak and infirm? 
And the pupil, the servant, or the subject, all 
equally sustain their own claims to self-re- 
spect, and to the esteem of others, by equally 
sustaining the appropriate relations and duties 
of subordination. In this arrangement of the 
duties of life, Heaven has appointed to one 
sex the superior, and to the other the subor- 
dinate station, and this without any reference 
to the character or conduct of either. It 
is therefore as much for the dignity as it is for 
the interest of females, in all respects to con- 



99 

form to the duties of this relation. And it is 
as much a duty as it is for the child to fulfil 
similar relations to parents, or subjects to 
rulers. But while woman holds a subordi- 
nate relation in society to the other sex, it is 
not because it was designed that her duties 
or her influence should be any the less im- 
portant, or all-pervading. But it was design- 
ed that the mode of gaining influence and of 
exercising power should be altogether dif- 
ferent and peculiar. 

It is Christianity that has given to woman 
her true place in society. And it is the pe- 
culiar trait of Christianity alone that can 
sustain her therein. " Peace on earth and 
good will to men" is the character of all the 
rights and privileges, the influence, and the 
power of woman. A man may act on society 
by the collision of intellect, in public debate ; 
he may urge his measures by a sense of 
shame, by fear and by personal interest; he 
may coerce by the combination of public 
sentiment; he may drive by physical force, 
and he does not outstep the boundaries of his 



100 

sphere. But all the power, and all the con- 
quests that are lawful to woman, are those 
only which appeal to the kindly, generous 
peaceful and benevolent principles. 

Woman is to win every thing by peace 
and love; by making herself so much respect- 
ed, esteemed and loved, that to yield to her 
opinions and to gratify her wishes, will be the 
free-will oflerino: of the heart. But this is to 
be all accomplished in the domestic and 
social circle. There let every woman be- 
come so cultivated and refined in intellect, 
that her taste and judgment will be respected ; 
so benevolent in feeling and action ; that her 
motives will be reverenced; — so unassuming 
and unambitious, that collision and compe- 
tition will be banished ; — so " gentle and easy 
to be entreated," as that every heart will re- 
pose in her presence; then, the fathers, the 
husbands, and the sons, will find an influence 
thrown around them, to which they will yield 
not only willingly but proudly. A man is 
never ashamed to own such influences, but 
feels dignified and ennobled in acknowledging 



101 

them. But the moment woman begins to feel 
the promptings of ambition, or the thirst for 
power, her a3gis of defence is gone. All the 
sacred protection of religion, all the generous 
promptings of chivalry, all the poetry of ro- 
mantic gallantry, depend upon woman's re- 
taining her place as dependent and defence- 
less, and making no claims, and maintaining 
no right but what are the gifts of honour, rec- 
titude and love. 

A woman may seek the aid of co-opera- 
tion and combination among her own sex, to 
assist her in her appropriate offices of piety, 
charity, maternal and domestic duty; but 
whatever, in any measure, throws a woman 
into the attitude of a combatant, either for 
herself or others — whatever binds her in a 
party conflict — whatever obliges her in any 
way to exert coercive influences, throws 
her out of her appropriate sphere. If these 
general principles are correct, they are 
entirely opposed to the plan of arraying 
females in any Abolition movement: be- 
cause it enlists them in an effort to coerce 
the South by the public sentiment of the 

i 2 



102 

North ; because it brings them forward as 
partisans in a conflict that has been begun 
and carried forward by measures that are 
any thing rather than peaceful in their ten- 
dencies ; because it draws them forth from 
their appropriate retirement, to expose them- 
selves to the ungoverned violence of mobs, 
and to sneers and ridicule in public places ; 
because it leads them into the arena of poli- 
tical collision, not as peaceful mediators to 
hush the opposing elements, but as combat- 
ants to cheer up and carry forward the mea- 
sures of strife. 

If it is asked, "May not woman appropriate- 
ly come forward as a suppliant for a portion 
of her sex who are bound in cruel bondage V 
It is replied, that, the rectitude and propri- 
ety of any such measure, depend entirely on 
its probable results. If petitions from females 
will operate to exasperate; if they will be 
deemed obtrusive, indecorous, and unwise, 
by those to whom they are addressed; if 
they will increase, rather than diminish the 
evil which it is wished to remove ; if they 
will be the opening wedge, that will tend 



103 



eventually to bring females as petitioners and 
partisans into every political measure that 
may tend to injure and oppress their sex, in 
various parts of the nation, and under the 
various public measures that may hereafter 
be enforced, then it is neither appropriate 
nor wise, nor right, for a woman to petition 
for the relief of oppressed females. 

The case of Queen Esther is one often ap- 
pealed to as a precedent. When a woman 
is placed in similar circumstances, where 
death to herself and all her nation is one al- 
ternative, and there is nothing worse to fear, 
but something to hope as the other alterna- 
tive, then she may safely follow such an ex- 
ample. But when a woman is asked to join 
an Abolition Society, or to put her name to 
a petition to congress, for the purpose of con- 
tributing her measure of influence to keep 
up agitation in congress, to promote the ex- 
citement of the North against the iniquities 
of the South, to coerce the South by fear, 
shame, anger, and a sense of odium to do 
what she has determined not to do, the case 



1(11 

of Queen Esther is not at all to be regarded 
as a suitable example for imitation. 

In this country, petitions to congress, in 

reference t<» the dlicial duties of legislators, 
seem, is all . ases, in fall entirely without 
the sphere o( female duty. Men are the 
proper persons to make appals to the rulers 
whom they appoint, and if their female 
friends, by arguments and persuasions, can 
induce them to petition, all the good that 
can be done by such measures will be secur- 
ed. But if females cannot inlluence their 
nearest friends, to urge forward a public 
measure in this way, they surely are out of 
their place, in attempting to do it them- 
selves. 

There are some other considerations, 
which should make the American females 
peculiarly sensitive in reference to any mea- 
sure, w T hich should even seem to draw them 
from their appropriate relations in societv. 

It is allowed by all reflecting minds, that 
the safety and happiness of this nation de- 
pends upon having the children educated, 
and not onlv intellectuallv, but morallv and 



105 

re giously. There are now nearly two mil- 
Ions of children and adults in this country 
wno cannot read, and who have no schools 
any kind. To give only a small supply of 
teachers to these destitute children, who are 
generally where the population is sparse, will 
demand thirty thousand teachers; and six 
thousand more will be needed every year, 
barely to meet the increase of juvenile popu- 
lation. But if we allow that we need not 
reach this point, in order to save ourselves 
from that destruction which awaits a people, 
when governed by an ignorant and unprin- 
cipled democracy; if we can weather the 
storms of democratic liberty with only one- 
third of our ignorant children properly edu- 
cated, still we need ten thousand teachers at 
this moment, and an addition of two thou- 
sand every year. Where is this army of 
teachers to be found ? Is it at all probable 
that the other sex will afford even a mode- 
rate portion of this supply ? The field for 
enterprise and excitement in the political 
arena, in the arts, the sciences, the liberal 
professions, in agriculture, manufactures, and 



lor, 



commerce, is opening with sucli temptations, 
as never yet bore upon the mind of any na- 
tion. Will men turn aside from these high 
and exciting objects to become the patient 
labourers in the school-room, and for only 
the small pittance that rewards such toil ? 
No, they will nut do it. Men will be edtn-.-i- 
tors in the college, in the high school, in 
some of the most honourable and lucrative 
common schools, but the children, the little 
children of this nation must, to a wide ex- 
tent, be taught by females, or remain un- 
taught. The drudgery of education, as it is 
now too generally regarded, in this country, 
will be given to the female hand. And as 
the value of education rises in the public 
mind, and the importance of a teacher's of- 
fice is more highly estimated, women will 
more and more be furnished with those in- 
tellectual advantages which they need to fit 
them for such duties. 

The result will be, that America will be 
distinguished above all other nations, for well- 
educated females, and for the influence they 
will exert on the general interests of society. 



107 

But if females, as they approach the other 
sex, in intellectual elevation, begin to claim, 
or to exercise in any manner, the peculiar 
prerogatives of that sex, education will prove 
a doubtful and dangerous blessing. But this 
will never be the result. For the more in- 
telligent a woman becomes, the more she can 
appreciate the wisdom of that ordinance that 
appointed her subordinate station, and the 
more her taste will conform to the graceful 
and dignified retirement and submission it 
involves. 

An ignorant, a narrow-minded, or a stupid 
woman, cannot feel nor understand the ra- 
tionality, the propriety, or the beauty of this 
relation ; and she it is, that will be most 
likely to carry her measures by tormenting, 
when she cannot please, or by petulent com- 
plaints or obtrusive interference, in matters 
which are out of her sphere, and which she 
cannot comprehend. 

And experience testifies to this result. By 
the concession of all travellers, American fe- 
males are distinguished above all others for 
their general intelligence, and yet they are 



108 

complimented for their retiring modesty, vir- 
tue, and domestic faithfulness, while the other 
sex is as much distinguished for their respectful 
kindness and attentive gallantry. There is no 
other country where females have so much 
public respect and kindness accorded to them 
as in America, by the concession of all tra- 
vellers. And it will ever be so, while intel- 
lectual culture in the female mind, is combin- 
ed with the spirit of that religion which so 
strongly enforces the appropriate duties of a 
woman's sphere. 

But it may be asked, is there nothing to be 
done to bring this national sin of slavery to 
an end? Must the internal slave-trade, a 
trade now ranked as piracy among all civil- 
ized nations, still prosper in our bounds ? 
Must the very seat of our government stand 
as one of the chief slave-markets of the 
land ; and must not Christian females open 
their lips, nor lift a finger, to bring such a 
shame and sin to an end ? 

To this it may be replied, that Christian 
females may, and can say and do much to 
bring these evils to an end ; and the present 



109 

is a time and an occasion when it seems most 
desirable that they should know, and appre- 
ciate, and exercise the power which they do 
possess for so desirable an end. 

And in pointing out the methods of ex- 
erting female influence for this object, I am 
inspired with great confidence, from the con- 
viction that what will be suggested, is that 
which none will oppose, but all will allow to 
be not only practicable, but safe, suitable, 
and Christian. 

To appreciate these suggestions, however, 
it is needful previously to consider some par- 
ticulars that exhibit the spirit of the age and 
the tendencies of our peculiar form of gov- 
ernment. 

The prominent principle, now in develop- 
ment, as indicating the spirit of the age, is 
the perfect right of all men to entire free- 
dom of opinion. By this I do not mean 
that men are coming to think that " it is no 
matter what a man believes, if he is onl) 
honest and sincere," or that they are grow 
ing any more lenient towards their fellow- 
men, for the evil consequences they bring 

K 



110 



on themselves or on others lor believing 



c 



wrong. 



But they are coming to adopt the maxim, 
that n<> man shall be forced by pains and 
penalties to adopt the opinions of other minds, 
but that every man shall be free to form his 
own opinions, and to propagate them by all 
lawful means. 

At the same time another right is claimed, 
which is of necessity involved in the pre- 
ceding, — the right to oppose, by all lawful 
means, the opinions and the practices of 
others, when they are deemed pernicious 
either to individuals or to the community, 
Facts, arguments and persuasions are, by all, 
conceded to be lawful means to employ in 
propagating our own views, and in opposing 
the opinions and practices of others. 

These fundamental principles of liberty 
have in all past ages been restrained by co- 
ercive influences, either of civil or of eccle- 
siastical power. But in this nation, all such 
coercive influences, both of church and state, 
have ceased. Every man may think what 
he pleases about government, or religion, or 



Ill 

any thing else ; he may propagate his opinions, 
he may controvert opposite opinions, and no 
magistrate or ecclesiastic can in any legal 
way restrain or punish. 

But the form of our government is such, 
that every measure that bears upon the public 
or private interest of every citizen, is decided 
by public sentiment. All laws and regula- 
tions in civil, or religious, or social concerns, 
are decided by the majority of votes. And the 
present is a time when every doctrine, every 
principle, and every practice which influ- 
ences the happiness of man, either in this, or 
in a future life, is under discussion. The 
whole nation is thrown into parties about 
almost every possible question, and every 
man is stimulated in his efforts to promote 
his own plans by the conviction that success 
depends entirely upon bringing his fellow 
citizens to think as he does. Hence every 
man is fierce in maintaining his own right of 
free discussion, his own right to propagate 
his opinions, and his own right to oppose, by 
all lawful means, the opinions that conflict 
with his own. 



112 

But the difficulty is, that a ri^rht which all 
men claim for themselves, with the most sen- 
sitive and pertinacious Inflexibility, they have 

not yet learned to accord to their fellow men, 
in cases where their own interests arc in- 
volved. Every man is saying, "let me have 
full liberty to propagate my opinions, and to 
oppose all that I deem wrong and injurious, 
but let no man take this liberty with my 
opinions and practices. Every man may be- 
lieve what he pleases, and propagate what 
he pleases, provided he takes care not to 
attack any thing which belongs to me." 

And how do men exert themselves to 
restrain this corresponding right of their 
fellow men? Not by going to the magistrate 
to inform, or to the spiritual despot to enforce 
ecclesiastical penalties, but he resorts to 
methods, which, if successful, are in effect the 
most severe pains and penalties that can 
restrain freedom of opinion. 

What is dearer to a man than his charac- 
ter, involving as it does, the esteem, respect 
and affection of friends, neighbours and so- 
ciety, with all the confidence, honour, trust 



113 



and emolument that flow from general es- 
teem? How sensitive is every man to any 
thing that depreciates his intellectual charac- 
ter! What torture, to be ridiculed or pitied 
for such deficiencies! How cruel the suffer- 
ing, when his moral delinquencies are held up 
to public scorn and reprehension ! Confisca- 
tion, stripes, chains, and even death itself, are 
often less dreaded. 

It is this method of punishment to which 
men resort, to deter their fellow-men from 
exercising those rights of liberty which they 
so tenaciously claim for themselves. Examine 
now the methods adopted by almost all who 
are engaged in the various conflicts of opinion 
in this nation, and you will find that there are 
certain measures which combatants almost 
invariably employ. 

They either attack the intellectual charac- 
ter of opponents, or they labour to make them 
appear narrow-minded, illiberal and bigoted, 
or they impeach their honesty and veracity, 
or they stigmatize their motives as mean, 
selfish, ambitious, or in some other respect 
unworthy and degrading. Instead of truth, 

k2 



Ill 

and evidence, and argument, personal depre- 
ciation, sneers, insinuations, or open abuse, 
are the weapons employed. This method of 
resisting freedom of opinions, by pains and 
penalties, arises in part from the natural sel- 
fishness of man, and in part from want of clear 
distinctions as to the rights and duties in- 
volved in freedom of opinion and freedom of 
speech. 

The great fundamental principle that makes 
this matter clear, is this, that a broad and in- 
variable distinction should ever be preserved 
between the opinions and practices that are 
discussed, and the advocates of these opinions 
and practices. 

It is a sacred and imperious duty, that rests 
on every human being, to exert all his in- 
fluence in opposing every thing that he be- 
lieves is dangerous and wrong, and in sus- 
taining all that he believes is safe and right. 
And in doing this, no compromise is to be 
made, in order to shield country, party, friends, 
or even self, from any just censure. Every 
man is bound by duty to God and to his 
country, to lay his finger on every false prin- 



115 

ciple, or injurious practice, and boldly say, 
" this is wrong — this is dangerous — this I will 
oppose with all my influence, whoever it may 
be that advocates or practises it." And 
every man is bound to use his efforts to turn 
public sentiment against all that he believes 
to be wrong and injurious, either in regard to 
this life, or to the future world. And every 
man deserves to be respected and applauded, 
just in proportion as he fearlessly and impar- 
tially fulfils this duty, provided he does it at a 
proper time, and in a proper spirit and manner. 
The doctrine, just now alluded to, that it is 
" no matter what a man believes, if he is only 
honest and sincere," is as pernicious, as it is 
contrary to religion and to common sense. It 
is as absurd, and as impracticable, as it would 
be to urge on the mariner the maxim, " no 
matter which way you believe to be north, if 
you only steer aright." A man's character, 
feelings, and conduct, all depend upon his opin- 
ions. If a man can reason himself into the belief 
that it is right to take the property of others 
and to deceive by false statements, he will pro- 
bably prove a thief and a liar. It is of the great- 



110 

est concern, therefore, to every man. that his 
fellow-men should believe rig/it, and one of 
his most sacred duties is to use all his in- 
fluence to promote correct opinion-. 

But the performance of this duly, does !>y 
no means involve the necessity of attacking 
the character or motives of the adroctitrs of 
false opinions, or of holding them up, indivi- 
dually, to public odium. 

Erroneous opinions are sometimes the con- 
sequence of unavoidable ignorance, or of 
mental imbecility, or of a weak and erring 
judgment, or of false testimony from others, 
which cannot be rectified. In such cases, 
the advocates of false opinions are to be 
pitied rather than blamed; and while the 
opinions and their tendencies may be publicly 
exposed, the men may be objects of affection 
and kindness. 

In other cases, erroneous opinions spring 
from criminal indifference, from prejudice, 
from indolence, from pride, from evil passions, 
or from selfish interest. In all such cases, 
men deserve blame for their pernicious opin- 
ions, and the evils which flow from them* 



117 

But, it maybe asked, how are men to decide, 
when their fellow-men are guilty for holding 
wrong opinions; when they deserve blame, 
and when they are to be regarded only with 
pity and commiseration by those who be- 
lieve them to be in the wrong? Here, surely, 
is a place where some correct principle is 
greatly needed. 

Is every man to sit in judgment upon his 
fellow-man, and decide what are his intel- 
lectual capacities, and what the measure of 
his judgment] Is every man to take the office 
of the Searcher of Hearts, to try the feelings 
and motives of his fellow-man? Is that most 
difficult of all analysis, the estimating of the 
feelings, purposes, and motives, which every 
man, who examines his own secret thoughts, 
finds to be so complex, so recondite, so in- 
tricate ; is this to be the basis, not only of in- 
dividual opinion, but of public reward and 
censure? Is every man to constitute himself 
a judge of the amount of time and interest 
given to the proper investigation of truth 
by his fellow-man ? Surely, this cannot be a 
correct principle. 



118 

Though there maybe single cases in which 
we can know that our fellow-men are weak 
in intellect, or erring in judgment, or per- 
verse in l'eeling, or misled by passion, or 
biased by selfish interest, as a general fact w e 
are not competent to decide these matters, in 
regard to those who differ from us in opinion. 

For this reason it is manifestly wrong and 
irrelevant, when discussing questions of duty 
or expediency, to bring before the public the 
character or the motives of the individual ad- 
vocates of opinions. 

But, it may be urged, how can the evil 
tendencies of opinions or of practices be in- 
vestigated, without involving a consideration 
of the character and conduct of those who 
advocate them ? To this it may be replied, 
that the tendencies of opinions and practices 
can never be ascertained by discussing indivi- 
dual character. It is classes of persons, or large 
communities, embracing persons of all va- 
rieties of character and circumstances, that 
are the only proper subjects of investigation 
for this object. For example, a community 
of Catholics, and a community of Protestants, 



119 

may be compared, for the purpose of learning 
the moral tendencies of their different opin- 
ions. Scotland and New England, where the 
principles opposite to Catholicism have most 
prevailed, may properly be compared with 
Spain and Italy, where the Catholic system 
has been most fairly tried. But to select cer- 
tain individuals who are defenders of these 
two different systems, as examples to illus- 
trate their tendencies, would be as improper 
as it would be to select a kernel of grain to 
prove the good or bad character of a whole 
crop. 

To illustrate by a more particular example. 
The doctrines of the Atheistic school are now 
under discussion, and Robert Owen and 
Fanny Wright have been their prominent ad- 
vocates. 

In agreement with the above principles, it 
is a right, and the duty of every man who 
has any influence and opportunity, to show 
the absurdity of their doctrines, the weakness 
of their arguments, and the fatal tendencies 
of their opinions. It is right to show that the 
practical adoption of their principles indicates 



120 

a want of common sense, just as sowing the 
ocean with grain and expecting a crop would 
indicate the same deficiency. If the advo- 
cates of these doctrines carry out their prin- 
ciples into practice, in any such way as to 
ofiend the taste, or infringe on the rights of 
others, it is proper to express disgust and dis- 
approbation. If the female advocate chooses 
to come upon a stage, and expose her person, 
dress, and elocution to public criticism, it is 
right to express disgust at whatever is of- 
fensive and indecorous, as it is to criti- 
cise the book of an author, or the dancing 
of an actress, or any thing else that is pre- 
sented to public observation. And it is right 
to make all these things appear as odious and 
reprehensible to others as they do to our- 
selves. 

But what is the private character of Robert 
Owen or Fanny Wright? Whether they are 
ignorant or weak in intellect; whether they 
have properly examined the sources of truth ; 
how much they have been biased by pride, 
passion, or vice, in adopting their opinions ; 
whether they are honest and sincere in their 



121 

belief; whether they are selfish or benevolent 
in their aims, are not matters which in any 
way pertain to the discussion. They are 
questions about which none are qualified to 
judge, except those in close and intimate com- 
munion with them. We may inquire with 
propriety as to the character of a community 
of Atheists, or of a community where such 
sentiments extensively prevail, as compared 
with a community of opposite sentiments. 
But the private character, feelings, and mo- 
tives of the individual advocates of these doc- 
trines, are not proper subjects of investiga- 
tion in any public discussion. 

If, then, it be true, that attacks on the cha- 
racter and motives of the advocates of opin- 
ions are entirely irrelevant and not at all ne- 
cessary for the discovery of truth ; if injury 
inflicted on 'character is the most severe pe- 
nalty that can be employed to restrain free- 
dom of opinions and freedom of speech, what 
are we to say of the state of things in this 
nation'? 

Where is there a party which does not in 
effect say to every man, " if you dare to op- 



\-:^ 



pose the principles or practices we sustain, 
you shall be punished with personal odium?" 
which does not say to every member of the 
party, " uphold your party, right or wrong; 
oppose all that is adverse to your party, right 
or wrong, or else suffer the penalty of having 
your motives, character, and conduct, im- 
peached f" 

Look first at the political arena. Where 
is the advocate of any measure that does not 
sutler sneers, ridicule, contempt, and all that 
tends to depreciate character in public esti- 
mation ? Where is the partisan that is not at- 
tacked, as either weak in intellect, or dis- 
honest in principle, or selfish in motives? And 
where is the man who is linked with any po- 
litical party, that dares to stand up fearlessly 
and defend what is good in opposers, and re- 
prove what is wrong in his own party ? 

Look into the religious world. There, 
even those who take their party name from 
their professed liberality, are saying, "who- 
ever shall adopt principles that exclude us 
from the Christian church, and our clergy 
from the pulpit, shall be held up either as in- 



123 



tellectually degraded, or as narrow-minded 
and bigoted, or as ambitious, partisan and 
persecuting in spirit. No man shall believe 
a creed that excludes us from the pale of 
Christianity, under penalty of all the odium 
we can inflict." 

So in the Catholic controversy. Catholics 
and their friends practically declare war 
against all free discussion on this point. The 
decree has gone forth, that " no man shall ap- 
pear for the purpose of proving that Catho- 
licism is contrary to Scripture, or immoral 
and anti-republican in tendency, under penalty 
of being denounced as a dupe, or a hypo- 
crite, or a persecutor, or a narrow-minded 
and prejudiced bigot." 

On the contrary, those who attack what is 
called liberal Christianity, or who aim to op- 
pose the progress of Catholicism, how often 
do they exhibit a severe and uncharitable 
spirit towards the individuals whose opinions 
they controvert. Instead of loving the men, 
and rendering to them all the offices of Chris- 
tian kindness, and according to them all due 
credit for whatever is desirable in character 



124 

and conduct, how often do opposers seem to 
feel, that it will not answer to allow that there 
is any thing good, either in the system or in 
those who have adopted it. " Every thing 
about my party is right, and every thing 
in the opposing party is wrong," seems to he 
the universal maxim of the times. And it is 
the remark of some of the most intelligent 
foreign travellers ainoncr us, and of our own 
citizens who go abroad, that there is no coun- 
try to be found, where freedom of opinion, 
and freedom of speech is more really influ- 
enced and controlled by the fear of pains and 
penalties, than in this land of boasted freedom. 
In other nations, the control is exercised by 
government, in respect to a very few matters; 
in this country it is party-spirit that rules with 
an iron rod, and shakes its scorpion whips 
over every interest and every employment 
of man. 

From this mighty source spring constant 
detraction, gossiping, tale-bearing, falsehood, 
anger, pride, malice, revenge, and every 
evil word and work. 

Every man sets himself up as the judge of 



125 

the intellectual character, the honesty, the 
sincerity, the feelings, opportunities, motives, 
and intentions, of his fellow-man. And so 
they fall upon each other, not with swords 
and spears, but with the tongue, "that unruly 
member, that setteth on fire the course of na- 
ture, and is set on fire of hell." 

Can any person who seeks to maintain the 
peaceful, loving, and gentle spirit of Chris- 
tianity, go out into the world at this day, 
without being bewildered at the endless con- 
flicts, and grieved and dismayed at the bitter 
and unhallowed passions they engender ? Can 
an honest, upright and Christian man, go into 
these conflicts, and with unflinching firmness 
stand up for all that is good, and oppose all 
that is evil, in whatever party it may be found, 
without a measure of moral courage such as 
few can command? And if he carries him- 
self through with an unyielding integrity, and 
maintains his consistency, is he not exposed 
to storms of bitter revilings, and to peltings 
from both parties between which he may 
stand? 

What is the end of these things to be ? 
l 2 



126 

Must we give up free discussion, and again 
chain up the human mind under the despotism 
of past ages? No. this will never be. God 
designs that every intelligent mind shall be 
governed, not by coercion, but by reason, and 
conscience, and truth. Man must reason, and 
experiment, and compare past and present 
results, and hear and know all that can be 
said on both sides of every question which 
influences either private or public happiness, 
either for this life or for the life to come. 

But while this process is going on, must we 
be distracted and tortured by the baleful pas- 
sions and wicked works that unrestrained 
party-spirit and ungoverned factions will 
bring upon us, under such a government as 
ours? Must we rush on to disunion, and 
civil wars, and servile wars, till all their train 
of horrors pass over us like devouring fire? 

There is an influence that can avert these 
dangers — a spirit that can allay the storm — 
that can say to the troubled winds and wa- 
ters, "peace, be still." 

It is that spirit which is gentle and easy to 
be entreated, which thinketh no evil, which 



127 

rejoiceth not in iniquity, but rejoiceth in the 
truth, which is not easily provoked, which 
hopeth all things, which beareth all things. 
Let this spirit be infused into the mass of the 
nation, and then truth may be sought, defend- 
ed, and propagated, and error detected, and 
its evils exposed; and yet we may escape the 
evils that now rage through this nation, and 
threaten us with such fiery plagues. 

And is there not a peculiar propriety in 
such an emergency, in looking for the espe- 
cial agency and assistance of females, who 
are shut out from the many temptations that 
assail the other sex, — who are the appointed 
ministers of all the gentler charities of life, — 
who are mingled throughout the whole mass 
of the community, — who dwell in those re- 
tirements where only peace and love ought 
ever to enter, — whose comfort, influence, and 
dearest blessings, all depend on preserving 
peace and good will among men? 

In the present aspect of affairs among 
us, when everything seems to be tending to 
disunion and distraction, it surely has become 
the duty of every female instantly to relin- 



126 

qiiish the attitude of a partisan, in every mat- 
ter of clashing interests, and to assume the 
office of a mediator, and an advocate of 
peace. And to do this, it is not necessary 
that a woman should in any manner relinquish 
her opinion as to the evils or the benefits, the 
right or the wrong, of any principle or prac- 
tice. But, while quietly holding her own 
opinions, and calmly avowing them, when 
conscience and integrity make the duty im- 
perative, every female can employ her influ- 
ence, not for the purpose of exciting or regu- 
lating public sentiment, but rather for the 
purpose of promoting a spirit of candour, for- 
bearance, charity, and peace. 

And there are certain prominent maxims 
which every woman can adopt as peculiarly 
belonging to her, as the advocate of charity 
and peace, and which it should be her especial 
office to illustrate, enforce, and sustain, by 
every method in her power. 

The first is, that every person ought to be 
sustained, not only in the right of propagating 
his own opinions and practices, but in oppos- 
ing all those principles and practices which 



129 

he deems erroneous. For there is no opinion 
which a man can propagate, that does not 
oppose some adverse interest; and if a man 
must cease to advocate his own views of 
truth and rectitude, because he opposes the 
interest or prejudices of some other man or 
party, all freedom of opinion, of speech, and 
of action, is gone. All that can be demanded 
is, that a man shall not resort to falsehood, 
false reasoning, or to attacks on character, in 
maintaining his own rights. If he states things 
which are false, it is right to show the false- 
hood, — if he reasons falsely, it is right to 
point out his sophistry, — if he impeaches the 
character or motives of opponents, it is right 
to express disapprobation and disgust; but if 
he uses only facts, arguments, and persua- 
sions, he is to be honoured and sustained for 
all the efforts he makes to uphold what he 
deems to be right, and to put down what he 
believes to be wrong. 

Another maxim, which is partially involved 
in the first, is, that every man ought to allow 
his own principles and practices to be freely 
discussed, with patience and magnanimity, 



130 

and not to complain of persecution, or to at- 
tack the character or motives of those who 
claim that he is in the wrong. If he is belied, 
if his character is impeached, if his moth 
are assailed, if his intellectual capabilities are 
made the objects of sneers or commiseration, 
he has a right to complain, and to seek sym- 
pathy as an injured man; but no man is a 
consistent friend and defender of liberty of 
speech, who cannot bear to have his own 
principles and practices subjected to the 
same ordeal as he demands should be im- 
posed on others. 

Another maxim of peace and charity is, 
that every man's own testimony is to be 
taken in regard to his motives, feelings, and 
intentions. Though we may fear that a fellow- 
man is mistaken in his views of his own feel- 
ings, or that he does not speak the truth, it is 
as contrary to the rules of good breeding as 
it is to the laws of Christianity, to assume or 
even insinuate that this is the case. If a 
man's word cannot be taken in regard to his 
own motives, feelings, and intentions, he can 
find no redress for the wrong that may be 



131 

done to him. It is unjust and unreasonable 
in the extreme to take any other course than 
the one here urged. 

Another most important maxim of candour 
and charity is, that when we are to assign mo- 
tives for the conduct of our fellow-men, espe- 
cially of those who oppose our interests, we 
are obligated to put the best, rather than the 
worst construction, on all they say and do. 
Instead of assigning the worst as the probable 
motive, it is always a duty to hope that it is 
the best, until evidence is so unequivocal that 
there is no place for such a hope. 

Another maxim of peace and charity re- 
spects the subject of retaliation. Whatever 
may be said respecting the literal construc- 
tion of some of the rules of the gospel, no one 
can deny that they do, whether figurative or 
not, forbid retaliation and revenge; that they 
do assume that men are not to be judges and 
executioners of their own wrongs; but that 
injuries are to be borne with meekness, and 
that retributive justice must be left to the 
laws and to God. If a man strikes, we are 
not to return the blow, but appeal to the laws. 



132 



If a man uses abusive or invidious language, 
we are not to return railing for railing. If a 
man impeaches our motives and attacks our 
character, we arc not to return the evil. If 
a man sneers and ridicules, we are not to re- 
taliate with ridicule and sneers. If a man 
reports our weaknesses and failings, we are 
not to revenge ourselves by reporting his. 
No man has a right to report evil of others, 
except when the justification of the innocent, 
or a regard fur public or individual safety, 
demands it. This is the strict law of the 
gospel, inscribed in all its pages, and meeting 
in the face all those unchristian and indecent 
violations that now are so common, in almost 
every conflict of intellect or of interest. 

Another most important maxim of peace 
and charity imposes the obligation to guard 
our fellow-men from all unnecessary tempta- 
tion. We are taught daily to pray, "lead us 
not into temptation;" and thus are admonish- 
ed not only to avoid all unnecessary tempta- 
tion ourselves, but to save our fellow-men 
from the danger. Can we ask our Heavenly 
Parent to protect us from temptation, while 



133 

we recklessly spread baits and snares for our 
fellow-men? No, we are bound in every 
measure to have a tender regard for the 
weaknesses and liabilities of all around, and 
ever to be ready to yield even our just rights, 
when we can lawfully do it, rather than to 
tempt others to sin. The generous and high- 
minded Apostle declares, "if meat make my 
brother to offend, I will eat no flesh while the 
world standeth ;" and it is the spirit of this 
maxim that every Christian ought to culti- 
vate. There are no occasions when this 
maxim is more needed, than when we wish 
to modify the opinions, or alter the practices 
of our fellow-men. If, in such cases, we find 
that the probabilities are, that any interfer- 
ence of ours will increase the power of 
temptation, and lead to greater evils than 
those we wish to remedy, we are bound to 
forbear. If we find that one mode of at- 
tempting a measure will increase the power 
of temptation, and another will not involve 
this danger, we are bound to take the safest 
course. In all cases we are obligated to be 
as careful to protect our fellow-men from 

M 



134 

temptation, as we arc to watch and pray 
against it in regard to ourselves. 

Another maxim of peace and charity re- 
quires a most scrupulous regard to the repu- 
tation, character, and feelings of our fellow- 
men, and especially of those who are opposed 
in any way to our wishes and interests. Every 
man and every woman feels that it is wrong 
for others to propagate their faults and weak- 
ness through the community. Every one 
feels wounded and injured to find that others 
are making his defects and infirmities the 
subject of sneers and ridicule. And what, 
then, is the rule of duty? "As ye would that 
men should do to you, do ye even so to them." 
With this rule before his eyes and in his mind, 
can a man retail his neighbour's faults, or 
sneer at his deficiencies, or ridicule his in- 
firmities, with a clear conscience? There 
are cases when the safety of individuals, or 
public justice, demands that a man's defects 
of character, or crimes, be made public; but 
no man is justified in communicating to others 
any evil respecting any of his fellow-men, 
when he cannot appeal to God as his witness 



135 

that he does it from benevolent interest in the 
welfare of his fellow-men — from a desire to 
save individuals or the public from some evil 
— and not from a malevolent or gossiping 
propensity. Oh, that this law of love and 
charity could find an illustration and an ad- 
vocate in every female of this nation! Oh, 
that every current slander, and every inju- 
rious report, might stand abashed, whenever 
it meets the notice of a woman! 

These are the maxims of peace and chari- 
ty, which it is in the power of the females of 
our country to advocate, both by example 
and by entreaties. These are the principles 
which alone can protect and preserve the 
right of free discussion, the freedom of speech, 
and liberty of the press. And with our form 
of government, and our liabilities to faction 
and party-spirit, the country will be safe and 
happy only in proportion to the prevalence of 
these maxims among the mass of the com- 
munity. There probably will never arrive a 
period in the history of this nation, when the 
influence of these principles will be more 
needed, than the present. The question of 



[36 

slavery involves more pecuniary interests, 
touches more private relations, involves more 
prejudices, is entwined with more sectional, 
[tarty, and political interests, than any other 
winch can ever again arise. It is a matter 
which, if discussed and controlled without the 
inlluencc of these principles of charity and 
peace, will shake this nation like an earth- 
quake, and pour over us the volcanic waves 
of every terrific passion. The trembling 
earth, the low murmuring thunders, already 
admonish us of our danger; and if females 
can exert any saving influence in this emer- 
gency, it is time for them to awake. 

And there are topics that they may urge 
upon the attention of their friends, at least as 
matters worthy of serious consideration and 
inquiry. 

Is a woman surrounded by those who fa- 
vour the Abolition measures ? Can she not 
with propriety urge such inquiries as these ? 

Is not slavery to be brought to an end by 
free discussion, and is it not a war upon the 
right of free discussion to impeach the mo- 
tives and depreciate the character of the op- 



137 

posers of Abolition measures? When the op- 
posers of Abolition movements claim that 
they honestly and sincerely believe that these 
measures tend to perpetuate slavery, or to 
bring it to an end by servile wars, and civil 
disunion, and the most terrific miseries — 
when they object to the use of their pulpits, 
to the embodying of literary students, to the 
agitation of the community, by Abolition 
agents — when they object to the circulation 
of such papers and tracts as Abolitionists pre- 
pare, because they believe them most perni- 
cious in their influence and tendencies, is it 
not as much persecution to use invidious in- 
sinuations, depreciating accusation and im- 
peachment of motive, in order to intimidate, 
as it is for the opposers of Abolitionism to 
use physical force ? Is not the only method by 
which the South can be brought to relinquish 
slavery, a conviction that not only her duty, but 
her highest interest, requires her to do it? And 
is not calm, rational Christian discussion the 
only proper method of securing this end? 
Can a community that are thrown into such 
a. state of high exasperation as now exists at 

m 2 



138 

the South, ever engage in such discussions, 
till the storm of excitement and passion is 
allayed ! Ought not every friend of liberty 
and of free discussion, to take every possible 
means to sooth exasperated feelings, and to 
avoid all those offensive peculiarities that in 
their nature tend to inflame and offend ? 

Is a woman among those who oppose 
Abolition movements? She can urge such 
inquiries as these: Ought not Abolitionists 
to be treated as if they were actuated by the 
motives of benevolence which they profess? 
Ought not every patriot and every Christian 
to throw all his influence against the im- 
peachment of motives, the personal detrac- 
tion, and the violent measures that are turned 
upon this body of men, who, however they 
may err in judgment or in spirit, are among 
the most exemplary and benevolent in the 
land? If Abolitionists are censurable for 
taking measures that exasperate rather than 
convince and persuade, are not their oppo- 
nents, who take exactly the same measures 
to exasperate Abolitionists and their friends, 
as much to blame ? If Abolitionism prospers 



139 

by the abuse of its advocates, are not the 
authors of this abuse accountable for the in- 
crease of the very evils they deprecate? 

It is the opinion of intelligent and well in- 
formed men, that a very large proportion of 
the best members of the Abolition party were 
placed there, not by the arguments of Abo- 
litionists, but by the abuse of their opposers. 
And I know some of the noblest minds that 
stand there, chiefly from the influence of 
those generous impulses that defend the in- 
jured and sustain the persecuted, while many 
others have joined these ranks from the im- 
pression that Abolitionism and the right of 
free discussion have become identical in- 
terests. Although I cannot perceive why the 
right of free discussion, the right of petition, 
and other rights that have become involved 
in this matter, cannot be sustained without 
joining an association that has sustained such 
injurious action and such erroneous principles, 
yet other minds, and those which are worthy 
of esteem, have been led to an opposite con- 
clusion. 

The South, in the moments of angry ex- 



140 

citemcnt, has made unreasonable demands 
upon the non-slave-holding States, and has 
employed overbearing and provoking lan- 
guage. This has provoked re-action again 
at the North, and men, who heretofore were 
unex cited, are beginning to feel indignant, 
and to say, "Let the Union be sundered." 
Thus anger begets anger, and unreasonable 
measures provoke equally unreasonable re- 
turns. 

But when men, in moments of excitement 
rush on to such results, little do they think of 
the momentous consequences that may fol- 
low. Suppose the South in her anger unites 
with Texas, and forms a Southern slave- 
holding republic, under all the exasperating 
influences that such an avulsion will excite? 
What will be the prospects of the slave then, 
compared with what they are while we 
dwell together, united by all the ties of bro- 
therhood, and having free access to those 
whom we wish to convince and persuade ? 

But who can estimate the mischiefs that 
we must encounter while this dismember- 
ment, this tearing asunder of the joints and 



141 

members of the body politic, is going on ? 
What will be the commotion and dismay, 
when all our sources of wealth, prosperity, 
and comfort, are turned to occasions for an- 
gry and selfish strife ? 

What agitation will ensue in individual 
States, when it is to be decided by majorities 
which State shall go to the North and which 
to the South, and when the discontented mi- 
nority must either give up or fight! Who 
shall divide our public lands between con- 
tending factions ? What shall be done with 
our navy and all the various items of the na- 
tion's property 1 What shall be done when 
the post-office stops its steady movement to 
divide its efforts among contending parties? 
What shall be done when public credit stag- 
gers, when commerce furls her slackened 
sail, when property all over the nation 
changes its owners and relations? What 
shall be done with our canals and railways, 
now the bands of love to bind us, then the 
causes of contention and jealousy? What 
umpire will appear to settle all these ques- 
tions of interest and strife, between commu- 



] 12 

nities thrown asunder by passion, pride, and 
mutual injury \ 

It is said that the American people, though 
heedless and sometimes reckless at the ap- 
proach of danger, are endowed with a strong 
and latent principle of common sense, which, 
when they fairly approach the precipice, 
always brings them to a stand, and makes 
them as wise to devise a remedy as they 
wore rash in hastening to the danger. Are 
we not approaching the very verge of the 
precipice ? Can we not already hear the 
roar of the waters below? Is not now 
the time, if ever, when our stern principles 
and sound common sense must wake to the 
rescue 1 

Cannot the South be a little more patient 
under the injurious action that she feels she 
has suffered, and cease demanding those con- 
cessions from the North, that never will 
be made 1 For the North, though slower to 
manifest feeling, is as sensitive to her right 
of freedom of speech, as the South can be to 
her rights of property. 

Cannot the North bear with some unrca- 



143 



sonable action from the South, when it is re- 
membered that, as the provocation came 
from the North, it is wise and Christian that 
the aggressive party should not so strictly 
hold their tempted brethren to the rules of 
right and reason? 

Cannot the South bear in mind that at the 
North the colour of the skin does not take 
away the feeling of brotherhood, and though 
it is a badge of degradation in station and 
intellect, yet it is oftener regarded with pity 
and sympathy than with contempt? Can- 
not the South remember their generous feel- 
ings for the Greeks and Poles, and imagine 
that some such feelings may be awakened 
for the African race, among a people who 
do not believe either in the policy or the 
right of slavery? 

Cannot the North remember how jealous 
every man feels of his domestic relations and 
rights, and how sorely their Southern breth- 
ren are tried in these respects'? How would 
the husbands and fathers at the North endure 
it, if Southern associations should be formed 



Ill 



to bring forth to the world the sins of North- 
ern men, as husbands and fathers? What if 
the South should send to the North to collect 
all the sins and neglects of Northern husbands 
and fathers, to retail them at the South in 
tracts and periodicals ? What if the English 
nation should join in the outcry, and English 
females should send forth an agent, not in- 
deed to visit the offending North, but to cir- 
culate at the South, denouncing all who did 
not join in this crusade, as the defenders of 
bad husbands and bad fathers ? How would 
Northern men conduct themselves under such 
provocations ? There is indeed a difference in 
the two cases, but it is not in the nature and 
amount of irritating influence, for the South- 
erner feels the interference of strangers to re- 
gulate his domestic duty to his servants, as 
much as the Northern man would feel the 
same interference in regard to his wife and 
children. Do not Northern men owe a debt 
of forbearance and sympathy toward their 
Southern brethren, who have been so sorely 
tried ? 



145 

It is by urging these considerations, and by 
exhibiting and advocating the principles of 
charity and peace, that females may exert a 
wise and appropriate influence, and one which 
will most certainly tend to bring to an end, 
not only slavery, but unnumbered other evils 
and wrongs. No one can object to such an 
influence, but all parties will bid God speed 
to every woman who modestly, wisely and 
benevolently attempts it. 

I do not suppose that any Abolitionists are 
to be deterred by any thing I can offer, from 
prosecuting the course of measures they have 
adopted. They doubtless will continue to agi- 
tate the subject, and to form voluntary asso- 
ciations all over the land, in order to excite 
public sentiment at the North against the mo- 
ral evils existing at the South. Yet I can- 
not but hope that some considerations may 
have influence to modify in a degree the spirit 
and measures of some who are included in 
that party. 

Abolitionists are men who come before the 
public in the character of reprovers. That 

N 



140 

the gospel requires Christians sometimes to 
assume this office, cannot be denied; but it 
docs as unequivocally point out those qualifi- 
cations which alone caii entitle a man to do 
it. And no man acts wisely or consistently, 
unless he can satisfy himself that he possesses 
the qualifications for this duty, before he 
assumes it. 

The first of these qualifications is more 
than common exemption from the faults that 
are reproved. The inspired interrogatory, 
"thou therefore which teachest another, 
teachest thou not thyself?" enforces this 
principle; and the maxim of common sense, 
that "reprovers must have clean hands," is 
no less unequivocal. Abolitionists are re- 
provers for the violation of duties in the 
domestic relations. Of course they are men 
who are especially bound to be exemplary in 
the discharge of all their domestic duties. 
If a man cannot govern his temper and 
his tongue; if he inflicts that moral castiga- 
tion on those who cross his will, which is 
more severe than physical stripes; if he is 



147 

overbearing or exacting with those under 
his control ; if he cannot secure respect for a 
kind and faithful discharge of all his social 
and relative duties, it is as unwise and im- 
proper for him to join an Abolition Society, 
as it would be for a drunkard to preach 
temperance, or a slave-holder Abolitionism. 

Another indispensable requisite for the 
office of reprover is a character distinguished 
for humility and meekness. There is nothing 
more difficult than to approach men for the 
purpose of convincing them of their own de- 
ficiencies and faults; and whoever attempts 
it in a self-complacent and dictatorial spirit, 
always does more evil than good. However 
exemplary a man may be in the sight of 
men, there is abundant cause for the exer- 
cise of humility. For a man is to judge of 
himself, not by a comparison with other 
men, but as he stands before God, when com- 
pared with a perfect law, and in reference 
to all his peculiar opportunities and restraints. 
Who is there that in this comparison, cannot 
find cause for the deepest humiliation? Who 



1 1^ 



can go from the presence of Infinite Purity 
after such an investigation, to "take his 
brother by the throat?" Who rather, should 
not go to a brother, who may have sinned, 
with the deepest sympathy and love, as one 
who, amid greatcrtemptations and with fewer 
advantages, may be the least olfender of the 
two? A man who goes with this spirit, has 
the best hope of doing good to those who may 
offend. And yet even this spirit will not 
always save a man from angry retort, vexa- 
tious insinuation, jealous suspicion, and the 
misconstruction of his motives. A reprover, 
therefore, if he would avoid a quarrel and do 
the good he aims to secure, must be possess- 
ed of that meekness w T hich can receive evil 
for good, with patient benevolence. And a 
man is not fitted for the duties of a reprover, 
until he can bring his feelings under this 
control. 

The last, and not the least important re- 
quisite for a reprover, is discretion. This is 
no where so much needed as in cases where 
the domestic relations are concerned, for 



149 

here is the place above all others, where men 
are most sensitive and unreasonable. There 
are none who have more opportunities for 
learning this, than those who act as teachers, 
especially if they feel the responsibility of a 
Christian and a friend, in regard to the moral 
interests of pupils. A teacher who shares 
with parents the responsibilities of educating 
their children, whose efforts may all be ren- 
dered useless by parental influences at home; 
who feels an affectionate interest in both pa- 
rent and child, is surely the one who might 
seem to have a right to seek, and a chance 
of success in seeking, some modifications of 
domestic influences. And yet teachers will 
probably testify, that it is a most discouraging 
task, and often as likely to result in jealous 
alienation and the loss of influence over both 
parent and child, as in any good. It is one of 
the greatest compliments that can be paid to 
the good sense and the good feeling of a pa- 
rent to dare to attempt any such measure. 
This may show how much discretion, and 
tact, and delicacy, are needed by those who 



150 

aim to rectify evils in the domestic relations 
of mankind. 

The peculiar qualifications, then, which 
make it suitable for a man to be an Aboli- 
tionist are, an exemplary discharge of all the 
domestic duties; humility, meekness, delicacy, 
tact, and discretion, and these should especi- 
ally be the distinctive traits of those who tnke 
the place of leaders in devising measures. 

And in performing these difficult and self- 
denying duties, there are no men who need 
more carefully to study the character and 
imitate the example of the Redeemer of man- 
kind. He, indeed, was the searcher of hearts, 
and those reproofs which were based on the 
perfect knowledge of "all that is in man," 
we may not imitate. But we may imitate 
him, where he with so much gentleness, pa- 
tience, and pitying love, encountered the 
weakness, the rashness, the selfishness, the 
worldliness of men. When the young man 
came with such self-complacency to ask 
what more he could do, how kindly he was 
received, how gently convinced of his great 



151 

deficiency ! When fire would have been 
called from heaven by his angry followers, 
how forbearing the rebuke ! When denied 
and forsaken with oaths and curses by one 
of his nearest friends, what was it but a look 
of pitying love that sent the disciple out so 
bitterly to weep ? When, in his last extre- 
mity of sorrow, his friends all fell asleep, how 
gently he drew over them the mantle of love! 
Oh blessed Saviour, impart more of thy own 
spirit to those who profess to follow thee ! 



THE END. 






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